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Sh2ikespeare's  Influence 
upon  Grabbe 


HORACE  LIND  HOCH,  Ph.  D. 


Shakespeare's  Influence 
upon  Grabbe 


HORACE  LIND  HOCH,  Ph.D. 


A  Thesis  presented  to  the  Faculty  of  the  Graduate  School  of  the 

University  of  Pennsylvania  in  partial  Fulfillment  of 

the  Requirements  for  the  Degree  of 

Doctor  of  Philosophy 


MOTHER 


;28319 


CHAPTER  ONE. 


Shakespeare  in  Germany. 


Shakespeare's  influence  upon  a  German  dramatist  is  not  a  new 
theme.  From  the  earliest  production  of  Shakespeare  in  Germany  by 
the  English  Comedians,  during  the  poet's  life,  down  to  the  present 
time  he  has  been  a  guiding  star  of  the  German  drama.  He  was  the 
model  for  the  first  attempt  at  dramatization  in  the  modem  concep- 
tion of  the  drama;  he  was  the  model  whom  Lessing  followed  to  a 
very  large  extent  in  laying  the  foundation  of  the  German  drama; 
he  was  the  inspiration  to  Goethe  and  Schiller  in  their  early  dramatic 
attempts ;  he  was  the  watchword  of  the  Storm  and  Stress ;  through  the 
Schlegels  and  Tieck  he  became  a  part  of  German  literature;  and 
future  investigation  will  show  how  great  a  debt  the  drama  of  the 
nineteenth  century  owes  to  him. 

The  first  dramatic  author  of  Germany  in  whom  we  can  see  the 
influence  of  Shakespeare  is  Herzog  Heinrich  Julius  von  Braunschweig 
(1563-1613),  who  was  one  of  the  first  to  maintain  a  regular  theatre 
at  his  court.  This  influence  was  exerted  upon  the  Duke  through  the 
so-called  "Englisehe  Comodianten ".  Albert  Cohn  sees  a  very  close 
connection  between  three  of  the  Duke's  dramas  and  Shakespeare. 
Cohn  thinks  the  connection  of  the  Wolfenbiittel  with  the  old  English 
stage  becomes  very  manifest  from  the  general  coloring  of  the  Duke's 
pieces,  as,  for  instance,  the  "Tragoedia  von  einem  ungerathnen  Sohn." 
Here  he  is  reminded  of  Titus  Andronicus,  and  in  the  later  develop- 
ments of  the  play  of  Macheth,  Richard  the  Second  and  Cymheline. 
There  is  a  still  closer  connection  in  the  Duke's  Comoedia  von  Vincentio 
Ladislao.  It,  according  to  Cohn,  contains  the  rough  prototype  of 
Benedick  in  3Iuch  Ado  about  Nothing.  Still  more  closely  connected 
with  Shakespeare  is  the  Duke's  Tragoedia  von  einer  Ehehrechin,  the 
plot  of  which  agrees  entirely  with  that  of  the  Merry  Wives  of  Windsor. 

There  were  English  Comedians  at  the  court  of  Landgraf  Moriz  von 
Hessen  at  the  same  time  as  at  the  Court  of  Herzog  von  Braunschweig. 
The  Landgraf  is  credited  with  a  number  of  original  plays,  but  none 
has  been  preserved. 

5 


In  the  consideration  of  this  early  period  a  much  more  important 
dramatist  than  the  two  mentioned  is  found  in  Jacob  Ayrer.  A  fol- 
lower of  Hans  Sachs,  Ayrer  nevertheless  shows  the  effects  of  the  in- 
fluence of  the  English  Comedians.  Ayrer 's  connection  with  Shake- 
speare has  never  been  definitely  settled.  In  certain  of  his  works  a  close 
relationship  exists;  but  whether  Ayrer  borrowed  from  Shakespeare 
or  Shakespeare  borrowed  from  Ayrer,  or  whether  the  two  had  a 
common  source  has  not  been  settled.  The  most  striking  similarity 
is  to  be  found  in  Ayrer 's  Comedia  von  der  schonen  Sidea  and  Shake- 
speare's Tempest.  The  general  opinion  is  that  both  plays  had  a 
common  source.  The  very  close  resemblance  of  Ayrer 's  comedy  Von 
der  schonen  Phonicea  to  Shakespeare's  Much  Ado  about  Nothing  was 
first  pointed  out  by  Tieck  and  enlarged  upon  by  Cohn.  Cohn  also 
calls  our  attention  to  the  similarity  between  Ayrer 's  Comedia  von 
Zweyen  Brildern  auss  Syragusa  and  Comedy  of  Errors,  pointing  out 
that  their  subject  was  familiar  to  the  English  stage  long  before  Shake- 
speare. 

In  a  volume  entitled  Englische  Comedien  und  Tragedien,  which 
appeared  in  1620,  there  is  a  piece  entitled  Tragodia  von  Julio  und 
Hyppolita,  which  bears  a  strong  resemblance  to  the  principal  plot  of 
Shakespeare's  Two  Gentlemen  of  Verona.  In  the  same  volume  ap- 
pears another  piece  "Tragodien  von  Tito  Andronica"  which  has  a 
closer  connection  with  Shakespeare's  time. 

In  1626  the  Comodia  von  Josepho  Juden  von  Venedigk  was  given 
at  Dresden.  Cohn  thinks  that  this  is  probably  a  piece,  the  manu- 
script of  which  is  in  the  Imperial  Library  at  Vienna,  and  is  entitled 
Comodia  genandt  dass  wohl  gesprochcne  Urtheil  eynes  weihlichen 
Studenten,  oder  der  Jud  von  Venedig.  It  appears  to  be  a  mixture 
of  Shakespeare 's  Merchant  of  Venice  and  Marlowe 's  Jew  of  Malto. 

By  means  of  a  program  of  1658  we  learn  that  Die  wunderhare 
Heurath  Petruvio  mit  der  hosen  Katharine  was  acted  by  students  of 
the  GjTnnasium  at  Zittau.  As  the  piece  has  not  come  down  to  us 
we  cannot  say  how  closely  it  followed  Shakespeare. 

Up  to  this  point  the  influence  of  Shakespeare  has  shown  itself 
more  upon  the  stage  than  upon  literature.  The  Shakespeare  influence 
has  been  thus  far  the  result  of  the  English  Comedians.  To  them 
belongs  the  credit  of  creating  the  beginnings  of  the  professional  stage. 
These  players  brought  with  them  not  only  the  theatrical  effects  of  the 
English  theatre  but  also  the  histrionic  art  of  Shakespeare 's  time.  They 
introduced  historical  and  popular  subjects  in  place  of  biblical  and 


polemical  ones.  Thus  an  advance  in  the  drama  had  been  made  through 
this  English  influence.  The  German  drama  had  advanced  far  beyond 
that  of  Hans  Sachs. 

An  even  greater  advance  is  shown  in  the  works  of  Gryphius. 
He  represents  on  the  one  hand  the  French  Pseudo  Classical  School,  and 
on  the  other  the  influence  of  the  English.  In  the  construction  of  his 
tragedies  he  was  greatly  influenced  by  Seneca.  In  his  comedies  he 
profited  not  only  from  Moliere  but  from  the  Shakespearian  plays. 
He  stands  at  the  beginning  of  a  new  dramatic  period.  Shakespeare's 
influence  upon  him  is  seen  at  its  best  in  his  Absurda  Comica  Oder 
Herr  Peter  Squentz.  This  is  a  version  of  the  comic  episodes  of  the 
Midsummer  Night's  Dream.  It  is  almost  the  same  arrangement 
scene  for  scene,  and  hardly  one  of  Shakespeare's  jokes  has  been 
omitted.  In  an  ''Address  to  the  reader"  Gryphius  confesses  to  have 
taken  it  from  a  version  by  Daniel  Schwenter. 

Genee  records  a  play  entitled  Tugend  und  Liebesstreit,  which  was 
produced  in  1677  at  a  private  castle.  It  treats  of  the  material  of 
Shakespeare's  Twelfth  Night. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  in  this  period  a  German  poet,  Michael 
Kongehl  (1646-1710),  treated  Shakespearian  materials  without  having 
known  Shakespeare's  plays.  Kongehl  wrote  two  plays  Die  vom  Tode 
erweckte  Phonizia  and  Der  unschuldig-beschuldigten  Innocentien  Un- 
schidd,  which  deal  with  Shakespeare 's  subjects.  The  former  treats  the 
plot  of  Much  Ado  about  Nothing,  the  latter  that  of  Cymbeline. 

During  this  century  we  have  records  of  several  of  Shakespeare's 
plays  having  been  performed  one  or  more  times.  The  most  popular 
appear  to  have  been  Merchant  of  Venice,  Hamlet,  Romeo  and  Juliet, 
King  Lear  and  Jidius  Caesar. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century  Christian  Weise 
wrote  a  play  entitled  Die  bose  Catharina.  The  play  is  a  very  poor  one 
and  reflects  Shakespeare's  Taming  of  the  Shrew  only  in  the  general 
idea  and  the  names  of  important  characters.  "Weise  at  an  earlier 
period  also  wrote  an  imitation  of  Gryphius'  Peter  Squentz. 

In  1741  Caspar  Wilhelm  von  Borck,  Prussian  ambassador  in 
London,  made  a  translation  of  Julius  Caesar.  The  translation  is  in 
rhymed  Alexandrines  and  as  a  translation  is  not  of  much  value.  It, 
however,  marks  the  beginning  of  a  real  and  lively  interest  in  Shake- 
speare in  Germany.  Gottsched  at  once  raised  his  voice  against  the 
translation.  This  opposition  of  Gottsched  was  only  the  beginning  of  a 
series  of  attacks  which  Gottsched  made  against  Shakespeare.     Von 


8 

Borck's  translation  brought  forth  shortly  after  a  more  favorable 
criticism  of  Shakespeare  from  J.  E.  Schlegel.  In  his  essay,  Ver- 
gleichung  Shakespeares  unci  Andreas  Gryphius,  he  re-translated  the 
speech  of  Antony  over  the  dead  body  of  Caesar,  as  he  did  not  think 
Von  Borck's  translation  close  enough  to  the  original.  This  transla- 
tion is  also  in  Alexandrines  and  is  a  slight  improvement  upon  von 
Borck  's. 

This  translation  of  von  Borck  was  followed  some  years  later  by 
several  translations:  in  1756  a  translation  of  several  scenes  from 
Bicliard  the  Third,  in  1758  a  translation  of  Romeo  and  Juliet,  in  1757 
a  translation  of  Hamlet  by  Moses  Mendelssohn,  and  a  second  transla- 
tion of  the  same  play  in  1767.  Mendelssohn  was  also  active  in  the 
Litteratur  Brief e  in  holding  up  Shakespeare  to  the  German  people.* 
Friedrich  Nicolai  also  was  a  defender  of  the  English  poet.f 

The  defense  of  these  men  in  behalf  of  Shakespeare,  however, 
was  mild  compared  with  Lessing's  defense  of  him.  The  work  which 
Lessing  did  for  the  German  drama  is  too  well  known  for  me  to  dwell 
upon  it  here.  In  the  particular  field  in  which  he  labored  he  stands 
out  as  one  of  the  greatest  men  Germany  has  ever  produced.  It  was 
he  who  prepared  the  way  and  made  possible  the  splendid  literary 
productions  which  have  followed  him.  There  is  no  student  of 
German  literature  who  fails  to  appreciate  the  great  debt  Germany 
owes  to  him.  Part  of  the  praise  which  is  accorded  Lessing  belongs 
to  Shakespeare,  for  Shakespeare  was  the  model  to  whom  Lessing  con- 
tinually directed  the  German  people.  This  admiration  for  Shake- 
speare is  to  be  found  in  the  Litteratur  Brief e  and  the  Hamhurgische 
Dramaturgie.  Here  are  found  numerous  passages  in  which  Shakes- 
peare is  praised  or  his  superiority  over  the  French  is  shown.  Perhaps 
more  significant  than  these  are  the  many  passages  in  which  his 
statements  on  the  principles  of  dramatic  art  are  justifications  of 
Shakespeare's  art  and  have  been  used  as  such  by  English  defenders  of 
Shakespeare.  It  is  especially  noteworthy  how  strongly  Lessing  speaks 
for  Shakespeare ;  not  doubtingly  nor  hesitatingly,  but  in  the  strongest 
possible  terms.  How  many  times  in  criticising  a  play  and  wanting 
something  to  show  how  it  should  have  been  done  did  he  turn  to 
Shakespeare  for  his  model:  Shakespeare  was  to  be  studied,  Shakes- 
peare was  to  be  used  as  a  camera  obscura,  it  was  Shakespeare 's  ghost 

*See  the  84th  and  123d  Briefe  of  1760,  and  the  147th  of  the  following  year. 
fSee  No.  11  "Briefe  iiber  den  jetsigen  Zustand  der  schonen  Wissenschaften 
in  Beutschland"  of  the  year  1755. 


which  was  the  real  ghost,  it  was  Shakespeare  who  possessed  a  deep 
insight  into  the  nature  of  love.  It  was  Shakespeare  who  followed  the 
rules  of  the  ancients,  it  was  Shakespeare  who  was  true  to  nature, 
it  was  Shakespeare  who  understood  properly  the  unities  of  Aristotle, 
and  he  finally  suspects  that  some  of  his  readers  will  inquire,  "Is  it 
always  Shakespeare  who  has  understood  everything  better  than  the 
French."  Thus  we  can  have  no  doubt  as  to  how  the  reformer  of 
the  German  drama  considered  Shakespeare.  Who  can  doubt  that 
Lessing's  own  works  were  either  directly  or  indirectly  influenced  by 
Shakespeare.  In  his  earliest  plays  Lessing  stood  entirely  on  the 
basis  of  the  French  model.  But  that  condition  did  not  continue  long. 
The  impulse  to  follow  Shakespeare  even  in  his  early  career  was 
active  in  him.  In  his  Henzi  he  breaks  through  two  essential  rules  of 
the  style  of  the  Renaissance,  namely,  the  law  which  required  that 
the  scenes  of  the  tragedy  shall  be  laid  in  remote  time;  and  the  other, 
which  demands  that  the  principal  characters  shall  be  warriors,  kings 
and  princes ;  since  he  takes  for  his  subject  a  historical  event  of  his  own 
day,  the  political  revolution  of  a  Swiss  canton,  and  for  his  characters 
plain  citizens  of  a  petty  republic.  In  this  fragment  we  perceive 
the  effects  of  the  German  translation  of  Julius  Caesar*  Two  other 
republican  tragedies  were  planned  at  this  time  under  its  inspiration — 
Virginia,  which  afterwards  became  Emilia  Oalotti,  and  Brutus.  The 
same  influence  is  also  manifest  in  the  fragments  and  sketches  of  other 
tragedies  such  as  Das  hefreite  Rom  and  Alcihiades  in  Persien  and  even 
in  the  poems  of  the  period  the  terse,  ironical  portrayal  of  the  famous 
republican  leaders  who  conspired  against  Caesar  is  traceable  to 
Shakespeare's  example.  These  were  direct  results.  And  surely,  the 
Hamlmrgische  Dramaturgie,  Laokoon,  Minna  von  BarnJielm  and 
Emilia  Oalotti  were  indirect  results.  Would  Lessing  hold  Shakes- 
peare up  to  his  contemporaries  and  not  make  use  of  him  himself. 
Especially  when  we  consider  that  Minna  von  Barnhelm  was  written 
to  show  how  the  principles  of  dramatic  art  which  he  expounded  should 
be  used.  Lessing  had  said  give  us  action,  and  referred  to  the  action 
in  Shakespeare's  plays.  Any  one  who  has  read  Minna  von  Barnhelm 
will  not  deny  the  presence  of  action  in  it.  In  regard  to  Emilia  Oa- 
lotti, we  know  that  it  is  the  outgrowth  of  his  early  Virginia,  which 
was  inspired  by  Shakespeare. 

*See  Adolf  Stahr  Life  and  Works  of  G.  E.  Lessing. 


10 

But  Lessing's  great  work  was  not  so  much  his  use  of  Shakespeare 
as  it  was  his  preparation  of  the  way  for  the  real  entrance  of  Shakes- 
peare influence  into  German  literature.  It  was  he  who  brought 
Shakespeare  before  the  German  public  in  a  favorable  light.  It  was 
he  who  removed  much  prejudice  and  many  difficulties  out  of  the 
way  of  a  favorable  reception  of  a  Shakespeare  translation.  It  was 
he  who  made  Wieland's  translation  possible.  It  was  he  who  protected 
the  first  disciples  of  Shakespeare  from  the  storm  of  criticism  which 
hailed  any  tendencies  to  stand  imder  the  banner  of  the  English  poet. 
Lessing's  defense  of  Shakespeare  is  to  be  strongly  contrasted  with  the 
defense  of  Shakespeare  in  England.  In  England  the  defenders  of 
Shakespeare  had  stood  on  the  defensive.  His  most  enthusiastic  ad- 
vocates spoke  ignorantly  when  they  did  not  speak  hesitatingly.  But 
such  was  not  the  case  with  Lessing.  There  was  neither  lack  of  Imowl- 
edge  nor  of  insight  on  his  part,  nor  of  the  confidence  which  is  based 
upon  them.  Beside  his  keen  analysis  and  masterly  exposition  of  prin- 
ciples, most  English  criticism  of  that  day  seems  shallow  and  incon- 
clusive.* 

But  something  else  was  needed  before  Lessing's  influence  could 
work  much  good,  and  that  was  a  German  translation  of  Shakespeare. 
This  want  was  supplied  by  Wieland.  His  translation  appeared  be- 
tween 1762  and  1766,  and  consisted  of  eight  volumes  containing 
twenty-one  plays  in  the  following  order:  Midsummer  Night's  Dream, 
King  Lear,  As  You  Like  It,  Measure  for  Measure,  The  Tempest, 
Merchant  of  Venice,  Timon  of  Athens,  King  John,  Julius  Caesar, 
Anthony  and  Cleopatra,  Comedy  of  Errors,  King  Richard  II,  first  part 
of  Henry  IV,  Mitch  Ado  about  Nothing,  Macbeth,  Two  Gentlemen  of 
Verona,  Romeo  and  Juliet,  Othello,  Twelfth  Night,  Hamlet,  and  A 
Winter's  Tale.    All  of  these  translations  except  one  Avere  in  prose. 

In  1763  Bodmer  attempted  to  write  a  Jxdius  Caesar.  He  himself 
called  it  a  "politisches  Drama"  and  says  "dass  dieses  Werk  in  Ver- 
gleichung  mit  des  Shakespeares  Julius  Caesar  keine  blendende,  son- 
dern  eine  sittsame  Schonheit  sei,  die  sich  immer  einen  stillen,  freiwil- 
ligen  Beifall  abnothigt  wenn  sie  gleich  nicht  auf  Entziickungen  An- 
spruch  macht. "  Shakespeare  furnished  the  inspiration  to  Bodmer, 
but  Bodmer  made  no  use  at  all  of  Shakespeare.  Bodmer,  in  1768, 
wrote  another  "politisches  Trauerspiel"  entitled  Marcus  Brutus.  This 
play  has  almost  nothing  in  common  with  Shakespeare 's  Julius  Caesar. 

*Lounsbiiry  "Shakespeare  as  a  Bramatic  Artist,"  Vol.  I,  page  77. 


11 

In  one  of  Lessing's  contemporaries,  Felix  Ch,  Weisse,  we  see 
a  strong  tendency  to  follow  Shakespeare.  His  Richard  III  and 
Romeo  und  Julie  are,  at  least,  adaptations  from  Shakespeare.* 

This  brings  us  down  to  the  period  of  the  "Sturm  und  Drang." 
The  chief  elements  of  this  literary  revolution  were:  worship  of 
Shakespeare,  return  to  nature,  and  hostility  to  the  French,  Shakes- 
peare 's  works  became  the  center  of  literary  criticism  in  Germany.  In 
every  Zeitschrift  appeared  champions  and  antagonists  of  his  art. 
Every  new  literary  production  was  measured  by  a  Shakespearian 
standard.  Nature  was  exalted  as  the  supreme  law;  Shakespeare  was 
Nature.  Down  with  all  rules  and  conventions;  "Down  with  the 
influence  of  the  French,"  was  the  watchword  inscribed  upon  their 
banners.  Gerstenberg's  Brief e  ilber  Merkwiirdigkeiten  der  Litteratur, 
Herder's  Shakespeare,  Goethe's  Shakespearerede  and  Lenz's  Anmerk- 
ungen  ilber  das  Theater,  all  reflect  this  Shakespeare  worship. 

This  movement  is  much  indebted  to  Herder  for  its  Shakespeare 
enthusiasm.  Herder,  as  a  student  at  Konigsberg  first  learned  to  know 
Shakespeare  through  Haaman.  He  was  strongly  influenced  by  Les- 
sing  at  first;  but  later  he  appreciated  Shakespeare  for  himself.  His 
real  knowledge  of  the  English  poet  was  through  no  translation,  but 
through  the  English  copies.  He  himself  translated  many  scenes  from 
Shakespeare.  The  enjoyment  of  Shakespeare  poetry  worked  so 
strongly  upon  him  that  in  1772  he  attempted  a  drama  which  he 
named  Brutus.  Concerning  this  drama  he  wrote  to  his  wife  that  the 
best  parts  of  it  did  not  belong  to  him  but  to  history  and  Shakespeare. 
Herder's  opinion  and  views  of  Shakespeare  are  so  well  known  that  it 
seems  unnecessary  for  me  to  quote  them  here.f 

Perhaps  the  most  important  thing  which  Herder  did  in  his 
Shakespeare  work  was  his  introduction  of  Shakespeare  to  Gcethe. 
He  it  was  who  taught  Goethe  to  imderstand  and  appreciate  more 
fully  the  magic  power  of  Shakespeare's  genius.  Now  this  influence 
upon  Goethe  is  one  of  the  great  results  of  the  Shakespeare  influence 
upon  the  German  drama.  The  Shakespeare  influence  between  1740 
and  1770,  and  above  all  Lessing's  efforts  in  this  direction,  was  a  strong 
factor  in  preparing  the  way  and  making  possible  the  great  German 

*See  "Lessings  Jungendfreunde,"  D,  N,  L,  Vol,  72,  pages  18-20,  See  Jo- 
hanna Gruber  "Das  Verhdlt7iis  von  Weisses  'Borneo  und  Juliet'  zu  'Shakespeare 
und  den  NoveUen."  In  " Studien  sur  vergleichenden  Litteraturgeschichte." 
Fiinfter  Band,  Heft  IV,  1905,  page  395, 

•{■See  "Shakespeare"  in  "Fan  Bexitschei'  Art  und  Kunst." 


12 

literature  of  the  eighteenth  century.  And  this  was  a  really  great 
service  to  the  German  drama. 

To  go  into  the  Shakespeare  influence  in  this  period  in  detail  is  not 
my  purpose.  That  Goethe  and  Schiller  were  influenced  is  an  accepted 
fact.  No  one  will  minimize  the  importance  of  this  Shakespearian  in- 
fluence, particularly  in  their  early  careers.  It  is  worthy  of  more 
attention  that  I  have  opportunity  to  give  in  this  study.  In  addition 
to  Goethe  and  Schiller,  Lenz  and  Klinger  were  greatly  influenced,  and 
to  a  less  extent  Maler  Miiller,  Leisewitz,  L.  Phil.  Hahn  and  H.  L. 
Wagner. 

Prof.  J.  J.  Eschenburg  directed  his  attention  to  Shakespeare.  As 
a  result  of  his  effort  we  have  Versuch  ilher  Shakespeares  Genie  und 
Schriften,  1771,  a  revision  of  Weiland's  translation  with  notes,  1775- 
1782,  and  his  own  Shakespeare  translation,  1778-1783. 

In  1797,  August  "Wilhelm  Schlegel  commenced  his  translation  of 
Shakespeare.  From  then  until  1803,  in  quick  succession,  followed 
eight  volumes,  each  volume  containing  two  dramas,  but  then  other 
labors  forced  themselves  upon  him,  and  he  published  no  more  until 
1810,  when  the  ninth  volume  appeared,  containing  Bichard  III.  The 
nine  volumes  contain  the  following:  Romeo,  Sommernachtstraumy 
Julius  Caesar,  Was  ihr  Wollt,  Sturm,  Hamlet,  Kaufmann  von  Vene- 
dig.  Wis  es  euch  gefdllt,  and  the  English  histories  with  the  exception 
of  Heinrich  VIII. 

Schlegel  found  a  most  able  and  active  co-worker  in  Ludwig 
Tieck,  who  had  early  acquired  a  taste  for  English  literature  and  for 
Shakespeare.  As  early  as  1796  he  had  translated  The  Tempest  and 
written  an  essay  on  Shakespeare 's  treatment  of  the  supernatural.  He 
pursued  his  studies  vigorously  in  this  direction  until  it  was  said  of 
him  that  he  know  more  of  Shakespeare  and  the  contemporaneous  litera- 
ture of  his  time  than  any  foreigner,  if  not  any  Englishman.  In  1825 
he  commenced  the  revision  and  completion  of  Schlegel's  translation 
which  was  concluded  in  1833.  Tieck 's  daughter,  Dorothea,  and  the 
Count  Wolf  von  Bandissin  did  the  translating.  Dorothea  translated 
six  pieces:  Coriolanus,  Two  Gentlemen  of  Verona,  Timon  of  Athens, 
Winter's  Tale,  Cymheline  and  Macbeth.  Count  Wolf  von  Bandissin 
translated  King  Henry  VIII,  King  Lear,  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  Titus 
Andronicus,  Othello,  Troilus  and  Cressida,  Taming  of  the  Shrew, 
Much  Ado  about  Nothing,  Merry  Wives  of  Windsor  and  Measure  for 
Measure.  The  remainder  were  those  which  Schlegel  had  prepared. 
Of  this  translation  it  is  almost  impossible  to  speak  too  highly.    It  was 


13 

one  of  the  greatest  achievements  of  German  literature.  Through  it 
Shakespeare  has  become  a  part  of  German  literature.  Some  even  be- 
lieve that  it  surpasses  the  original.  And  it  has  also  been  said  that  it 
was  a  sufficient  reward  for  the  Romantic  Period  of  German  literature. 
Comparatively  little  investigation  has  been  made  in  Shakespeare 
influence  upon  the  nineteenth  century.  Sufficient  has  been  done,  how- 
ever, to  show  that  Tieck,  Kleist,  Grabbe,  Grillparzer,  Hebbel  and 
Ludwig  have  operated  more  or  less  under  the  inspiration  and  influ- 
ence of  Shakespeare. 


CHAPTER  TWO. 


Grabbe's  Knowledge  of  and  Enthusiasm  for  Shakespeare. 


Shakespeare  has  had  no  greater  admirer  than  the  youthful  Grabbe. 
His  letters,  his  own  statements,  and  the  statements  of  his  contem- 
poraries show  us  conclusively  that  he  was  under  the  spell  of  the 
English  dramatist.  A  careful  study  of  his  dramas  will  force  the 
conclusion  to  this  premise,  which  a  preliminary  investigation  of  the 
aforesaid  letters  and  statements  sets  up.  To  his  letters,  his  essay 
Ueher  die  Shakspearo-Manie,  and  extracts  from  different  sources  we 
shall  turn  to  show  his  knowledge  of  Shakespeare  and  to  give  Shakes- 
peare the  credit  for  a  very  great  deal  of  Grabbe 's  inspiration  to  write 
dramas.  The  latter  is  one  of  the  purposes  of  this  treatment.  To  his 
dramas  we  shall  direct  our  attention  to  show  that  Grabbe  has  turned 
to  Shakespeare  for  the  motive  of  the  Gothland;  the  choice  of  subject 
in  his  historical  dramas — Marius  und  Sidla  and  Hannibal;  the  speech 
of  his  early  dramas,  and  the  Aschenhrodel.  In  detail,  then,  this  paper 
will  attempt  to  show  that  Grabbe  is  much  indebted  to  Shakespeare 
for  the  inspiration  to  write  a  drama,  the  motivation  of  the  Gothland, 
the  character  of  the  Moor,  and  minor  details  of  the  drama.  I  also 
wish  to  show  Grabbe 's  indebtedness  in  the  speech  of  his  early  dramas, 
namely,  Herzog  Theodor  von  Gothland  and  Scherz,  Satire,  Ironie  und 
iiejere  Bcdeutung,  as  well  as  traces  of  it  in  some  of  his  other  dramas. 
I  further  wish  to  show  that  Grabbe  was  influenced  in  his  choice  of  sub- 
jects by  Shakespeare,  calling  attention  to  the  similarities  between 
Theodor  von  Gothland  and  Titus  Andronicus,  Marius  und  Sulla  and 
Coriolanus,  Hannibal  and  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  and  between  the  Ho- 
henstaufen  tragedies  and  Shakespeare's  English  historical  dramas. 
Finally,  I  wish  to  present  a  comparison  of  Grabbe's  Aschenbrodel 
with  Shakespeare's  Merchant  of  Venice. 

The  part  I  am  about  to  give  is  to  serve  as  a  foundation  for 
this  treatment.  This  part  consists  of  letters  and  extracts  which  show 
Grabbe's  knowledge  of  and  enthusiasm  for  Shakespeare.  They  do  not 
comprise  everything  that  Grabbe  has  written  on  Shakespeare,  only 
those  which  have  a  direct  bearing  upon  the  subject. 

14 


15 

A.     Letters  and  parts  of  letters  in  chronological  order. 

An  die  Wohllobl.  Meyersche  Hofbuehhandlung  zu  Lemgo. 

Die  Wolillobliche  Hofbuehhandlung  ersuche  ich  gehorsamst,  mir 
baldmoglichst  zu  iibersenden :  den  sechsten  Band  von  den  dramatic 
works  of  Shakespeare,  published  by  Charles  Wagner,  Brunswick. 

Unser  Lehrer  der  englischen  Sprache  versicherte  uns,  dass  dieser 
Band  einzeln  zu  bekommen  sei  weil  die  Wagnersche  Edition  eine 
Schulausgabe  ware.  Da  wir  nun  aus  Mangel  an  Exemplaren  in  den 
englischen  Privatstimden  nicht  eher  die  Lesung  des  Shakespeare  be- 
ginnen  konnen,  als  bis  ich  diesen  sechsten  Band  erhalten  habe,  so  muss 
angelegentlichst  urn  Eile  bitten  gehorsamst  Ch.  D.  Grabbe. 

Detm.  4.  V.  1818.* 

This  volume  contains  Julius  Caesar,  Antony  and  Cleopatra, 
Timon  of  Athens,  Troilus  and  Cressida  and  Titus  Andronicus. 


An  Herrn  Zuchtmeister  Grabbe  zu  Detmold. 
Liebe  Eltern ! 

Ich  habe  ein  Buch  verschrieben,  aber  schon  seit  einem  halben 
Jahre,  und  konnte  es  zuriicksenden,  wenn  es  kam.    Ich  will  eine 

Kritische  Beleuchtung 
hieriiber  anstellen. 

1.  War  es  erlaubt,  ein  Buch  ohne  das  Wissen  meiner  Eltern  zu 
verschreiben  ? 

Erlaubt  war  es  nicht,  aber  zu  entschuldigen  ist  es,  weil  ich  fiirch- 
tete  es  euch  zu  sagen,  weil  es  ein  halb  Jahr  wohl  hin  ist  und  weil  ich 
das  Geld  desselben  ersparen  Iconnte. 

Nun  ist  die  Frage  iibrig  ob  es  das  Buch  werth  ist,  dass  es  ver- 
schrieben wird.  —  In  jedem  meiner  Biicher  kannst  Du  das  Lob  seines 
Verfassers  lesen.  Es  ist  in  seiner  Art  das  erste  Buch  der  Welt  und 
gilt  bei  Vielen  mehr  als  die  Bibel,  denn  es  ist  das  Buch  der  Konige  und 
des  Volkes,  es  ist  das  Buch  wovon  Einige  hehaupten,  dass  es  ein  Gott 
geschrieben  habe,  es  sind 

die  Tragodien  Shakespeares, 
(des  Verfassers  des  Hamlet)  die  schon  300  Jahre  bekannt  sind.  Die- 
sen  hat  Deutschland  seine  Bildung  zu  verdanken,  denn  sie  regten  zu- 
erst  Goethe,  den  grossten  Deutschen  auf;  sie  waren  es,  um  welche 
Schiller,  als  er  eine  Stelle  aus  ihnen  hatte  vorlesen  horen,  nach  Stutt- 
gart reiste  und  von  ihnen  befeuert,  die  Rauber  schrieb :  deshalb  kannst 
Du  mir  verzeihen,  dass  ich  von  ihnen  eingenommen  bin. 

Du  weisst,  wie  niitzlich  es  ist,  sich  durch  Nebenarbeiten  auf  Uni- 
versitaten  Geld  zu  erwerben,  oder  auch  nach  der  Studentenzeit  im 
Ueberfluss  leben  zu  konnen. — Das  kannst  Du  nur  durch  Schrift- 
stellerei,  denn  man  hat  sogleich  kein  Amt.  —  Ich  kann  aber  bios  das 
schreiben  (ausser  der  Jura  oder  Medicin,  die  ich  vielleicht  studire). 

*See  H.  Bartmann  " Grabbes  Verhaltnis  sti  Shakespeare." 


16 

was  Shakespeares  Faeh  schlagt:  Dramen — durch  eine  Tragodie  kann 
man  sich  Ruhm  bei  Kaisern  und  ein  Honorar  von  Tausenden  erwer- 
ben,  und  durch  Shakespeares  Tragodien  kann  man  lernen,  gute  zu 
machen.  Denn  er  ist  der  erste  der  Welt,  wie  Schiller  sagt,  bei  dessen 
Stiicken  Weiber  zu  friihzeitig  geboren  haben  —  der  Shakespeare  ist 
aber  so  schwer  zu  verstehen,  dass  man  Monate  an  einer  Seite,  wie  an 
dem  Monolog  im  Hamlet:  Sein  oder  Nicht-Sein  usw.  studiren  muss, 
und  Jahre  lang,  wenn  man  etwas  daraus  lernen  will.  Danim  wiinschte 
ich  ihn  eigen  zu  haben.  —  Im  Englischen  habe  ich  einen  Band  von 
ihm  und  daraus  kann  ich  Englisch  lernen. 

Sieh,  so  nothig  habe  ich  ihn !  —  Du  meinst,  es  koste  Dir  zu  viel 
Geld,  von  diesen  Ostern  an  bis  Ostern  1819  will  ich  keinen  Groschen 
Taschengeld  haben.  Hiermit  kannst  Du  das  Buch  bezahlen,  ohne 
mehr  Geld  als  sonst  auszugeben,  Dein 

Sohn 

Die  Schuld  ist  abbestellt.    Zeig  ja !  diesen  Brief  Niemand. 
This  letter  is  attributed  to  the  early  part  of  the  year  1818. 


Du  weisst  wie  sehr  ich  mich  mit  Shakespeare  beschaftige,  dessen 
Ruhm  Du  in  jedem  Buche  lesen  kannst;  Du  weisst,  dass  ihn  Einer, 
der  sich  mit  den  Dramen  abgibt,  durchaus  kennen  muss;  Du  weisst, 
dass  ich  mir  auf  diese  Weise  vielleicht  einstens  noch  Geld  verdienen 
werde.  Shakespeare  hat  fiinfzig  Stiicke  geschrieben.  Davon  habe  ich 
18  Stiicke  in  der  beriihmten  Uebersetzung  von  Schlegel,  die  ebenso 
gut,  wie  das  Original  ist. 

This  is  an  extract  from  a  letter  to  Grabbe's  father  attributed  to 
the  close  of  the  year  1818. 


An  die  Wohllobl.  Meyersche  Hofbuchhandlung  zu  Lemgo. 

Da  in  der  Leipziger  Fleischerschen  Ausgabe  der  plays  of  Shakes- 
peare die  Teile  auch  einzeln  zu  erhalten  sind,  so  bitte  ich  gehorsamst 
mir  den  Teil  baldigst  zu  iibersenden,  in  welchem  Timon  of  Athens  und 
Pericles,  prince  of  Tyrus  enthalten  sind.  Sollten  diese  Teile  nicht 
einzeln  zu  erhalten  sein,  obwohl  dies  in  der  Ankiindigung  Fleischers 
des  Jiingeren  versichert  wird,  so  bittet  um  gefallige  Nachricht  gehor- 
samst.* Ch.  D.  Grabbe. 
Detm.  7.  V.  1819. 


"Die  Idee  zu  einem  andem  Faust,  der  mit  dem  Don  Juan  zu- 
sammentrifft,  entwickelt  sich  in  meinem  Gehirnkasten  mehr  und 
mehr;  ich  habe  in  Bezug  auf  dieses  Stiick  dem  heitem  Humor,  der 

*See  H.  Bartmann  "Grabtes  Verlialtnis  zu  ShaJcespeare." 


17 

das  Tragische  im  Hamlet  so  mildernd  durchweht,   fleissig  nachge- 
spiirt. ' ' 

This  is  aB  extract  from  a  letter  to  Tieek  dated  Detmold,  August 
29,  1823. 


"Den  Schluss  maeht  Sulla,  noch  nicht  vollendet;  er  darf  aber 
nach  meiner  klaren  Ueberzeugung  nicht  fehlen,  besonders  da  er  zeigt 
das  der  Autor  (nicht  Auctor)  sich  vielleicht  auf  historischen  Blick 
versteht,  und  beizu  auch  in  jener  friiheren  Zeit  (vide  die  Vorrede) 
sehon  Volksscenen  individualisirt  a  la  Shakespeare  (vide  Sulla  und 
Marius,  2.  act)  schildern  konnte,  welches  angebliche  Talent  ziemlich 
rar  ist  und  sich  aus  Verfassers  iibrigen  Stiicken  nicht  spiiren  lasst." 

This  is  an  extract  from  a  letter  to  Kettembeil  dated  Detmold,  June 
1,  1827. 

"Der  Mann  (Shakespeare)  hat  keinen  aufrichtigeren  Verehrer 
als  ieh,  es  kennen  ihn  auch  wenige  besser,  aber  mancher  Narr,  hier 
und  da  auch  verniinftige  Manner,  z.  B.  Tieck,  schiitzen  ihn  vor  well 
sie  selbst  nicht  so  hoch  kommen  konnen  als  er  und  daher  in  seiner  von 
ihnen  erregten  Bewunderung  sich — selbst  geschmeichelt  fiihlen." 

This  is  an  extract  from  a  letter  to  Kettembeil  dated  Detmold, 
Jime  25,  1827. 


"Dass  ich  Shakespeare  und  seine  Anhanger  kenne,  ergibt  sich 
wohl  deutlich, "  — 

This  is  an  extract  from  a  letter  to  Kettembeil  dated  Detmold,  July 
26,  1827. 


"Aber  da  ich  den  Hrn.  Shakespeare  und  die  Hrn.  Poeten  recht 
gut  kenne,  so  glaube  ich  doch,  es  steckt  etwas  darin,  und  was  mehr  ist, 
er  passt  in  die  Zeit,  also  lass  ihn  hinterdrucken.  Mancher  kauft  die 
Stiicke,  um  iiber  den  lieben  Shakespeare  etwas  zu  horen." 

This  is  an  extract  from  a  letter  to  Kettembeil  dated  Detmold, 
August  3,  1827. 


"Bin  ich  nicht  ein  Bischen  ein  Sackermenter ?  Den  Sir  Shakes- 
peare wollen  wir  doch  wohl  unterkriegen.  Fiir  sein  bestes  historisches 
Stiiek  gebe  ich  nicht  einmal  den  Barbarossa. " 

This  is  an  extract  from  a  letter  to  Kettembeil  dated  Detmold, 
April  18,  1829. 


18 

"Karl  der  Grosse  unci  die  Sachsen  mit  ihrem  Heidenthum  ware 
ein  gutes  Vorspiel  zu  den  Hohenstaufen,  mehr  als  Shakespeares  Jo- 
hann  ohne  Land  zu  seinen  Heinrichen." 

This  is  an  extract  from  a  letter  to  Kettembeil  dated  Detmold, 
April  8,  1830. 


' '  Ich  glaube  dass  ich  besonders  Shakespeares  Sachen  gut  vorlesen 
kann,  vielleieht  audi  andere. " 

This  is  an  extract  from  a  letter  to  Immermann  dated  DUsseldorf, 
Feb.  24,  1835. 


B.  Extracts  from  dramatical  writings. 

"Dass  aber  auf  das  Gute  und  Grosse  in  der  Kunst  oft  gezeigt 
werden  muss,  bevor  die  Menge  es  schatzt,  beweisen  die  anderthalb 
Jahrhunderte,  in  denen  Shakespeares  und  Miltons  Werke  todt  lagen. '  '* 

* '  Shakespeare  ist  der  rathselhaf  teste,  eigenste  der  Dichter,  und  legt 
im  Konig  Johann  keine  geringe  Probe  davon  ab.  Augenblicks  weiss 
man  oft  nicht,  was  aus  den  pomphaften  Worten,  Wortspielen  und  ge- 
hauften  Antithesen  dieser  Dichtung  zu  machen,  imd  doch  liegen  iiber- 
all  versteckte  Angeln  fiir  Kopf  und  Herz.  Ich  glaube  dieses  Stiick  ist 
als  der  etwas  lauttonende,  aber  wohlberechnete  Prolog  zu  seinem  Dra- 
mencyclus  aus  der  englischen  Geschichte  zu  betrachten,  sowie  seiri 
Heinrich  VIII.  der  feine,  sehr  praktisch  belehrende  Epilog  dazu  ist. 
Mochten  wir  nur  all  diese  Stiicke  nach  ihrer  Ordnung  bald  auf  un- 
serer  Biihne  so  folgen  imd  geben  sehen,  als  den  Johann. 

Durch  den,  um  mit  Leicester  in  Maria  Stuart  zu  reden,  so  "ge- 
fahrlich  dornenvollen  Pfad"  der  shakespearischen  Dichtersprache  sich 
gut  zu  winden,  ist  so  schwer,  als  olme  zerrissenen  Rock  einen  Priih- 
lingskraft  sprossenden  siidamerikanischen  Urwald  zu  durchschreiten.  "f 

C.  Extracts  from  the  essay  Ueber  die  Shakspearo-Manie. 

"Der  Verfasser  kann  iiber  die  zur  Mode  gewordene  Bewunderung 
des  Shakespeare  vmi  so  eher  sprechen,  als  er  selbst  daran  etwas  gelit- 
ten  hat.  Der  Gothland  (keines  der  iibrigen  Stiicke)  triigt  vielleieht 
einige  Spuren  davon,  jedocli  glaubt  der  Verfasser,  dass  sowohl  der 
Geist  des  Gothland  als  audi  seine  formelle  Behandlmig  im  Ganzen 
mehr  eigenthiimlich,  als  shakespearisdi  sind. " 


*See  Blumenthal  Grdbhes  Werlce,  Vol.  IV,  page  209. 
•j-See  Blumenthal  Grabbes  Werke,  Vol.  IV,  page  221. 


19 

"Ich  gestehe  vorliiufig,  dass  mir  in  der  englischen  schonen  Litte- 
ratur  nur  zwei  Erscheinungen  von  hoher  Wichtigkeit  sind :  Lord  Byron 
und  Shakespeare, — jener  als  die  moglichst  poetisch  dargestellte  Sub- 
jectivitat,  dieser  als  die  eben  so  poetisch  ausgedehnte  Objectivitat." 

"Niemand  wird  dem  Shakespeare  wahrhaftiger  huldigen,  als  ich 
es  thue.  Sein  iimfassendes  Genie  welches  iiberall,  wohin  es  den  Blick 
wirft,  sei  es  auf  die  E^rde,  in  den  Himmel,  oder  in  die  Holle,  Leben 
in  die  Wiisten  schafft, — seine  Sehopfungskraft,  welche  ihm  manche 
Charaktere  mit  einer  Selbststiindigkeit  auszustatten  vergonnt,  nach 
welche  man  fast  an  ein  inneres  wirkliches  Leben  derselben  glauben 
sollte,  und  wenigstens,  wenn  man  sie  aus  dem  Rahmen  des  Schaiispiels 
nahme  und  in  das  Leben  treten  liesse,  nicht  (wie  bei  den  meisten  heu- 
tigen  Tragodien)  befiirchten  diirfte,  nur  ]\Iarionetten  zu  produciren, 
— seine  vielseitige  und  geniale  Phantasie, — sein  tiefer  Blick  in  das 
Leben  und  in  die  Weltgeschichte, — die  gottliche  Ruhe  (welche  Fried- 
rich  Schlegel  wohl  mit  seiner  '"gottlichen  Faulheit"  verwechselt),  mit 
der  er  oft  auf  dem  von  Archimedes  ersehnten  Punkte  ausser  der  Welt 
zu  stehen  luid  sie  zu  bewegen  scheint, — der  Humor,  die  Ironie,  mit 
welchen  er  selbst  durch  Thranen  liichelt, — alles  dieses  und  noch  viel 
mehr  erkenne  ich  mit  Erstaimen  im  Shakespeare  an,  und  hoffe  es 
einst  in  einer  besonderen  Schrift,  die  ich  um  die  Mode  zu  ehren,  gleich 
dem  Franz  Horn  " Erliiuterungen  zum  Shakespeare"  nennen  werde, 
mit  Beweisen  niederzulegen. " 

"Shakespeare  schuf  weder  eine  Schule,  noch  eine  neue  Schau- 
spiel-Art,  er  fand  vielmehr  eine  Schule  vor,  war  Mitglied  derselben, 
und  zwar,  was  seine  einzige  wahre  Originalitat  ist,  das  grosste  Mit- 
glied dieser  Schule." 

"Es  ist  wahr,  dass  alle  seine  Vorziige  in  ihnen  (Shakespeare's 
historical  plays)  strahlen,  und  dass  da,  wo  er  eigenthiimlich  ist, 
kaum  Goethe  (z.  B.  im  Egmont),  noch  weniger  Schiller  mit  ihm  wett- 
eifern  konnen." 

"Hochst  ausgezeiehnet  ist  Shakespeares  dramatischer  Verstand. 
Shakespeares  alles  iiberfliigelnde  Phantasie,  sein  Pathos,  sein  Humor, 
alles  steht  wenigstens  in  seinen  spateren  Stiicken  unter  der  strengen 
Herrschaft  eines  berechnenden  Verstandes. " 

"Im  Shakespearischen  Scenenwechsel  liegt  oft  wahre  Poesie,  die 
ich  nicht  missen  moehte." 

"  Wir  konnen  und  sollen  alle  iibrigen  guten  Dramatiker  (unter  ih- 
nen auch  den  Shakespeare)  studiren,  benutzen.  aber  wir  miissen  auf 
eigenen  Fiissen  stehen  bleiben,  die  Nahrung  in  eignes  Blut  verwan- 
deln." 


20 

D.     Miscellaneous. 

1.  Tieek,  in  a  criticism  of  the  Gothland,  makes  the  following 
statement : — 

"Hier  fande  ich  kein  Ende  mit  meiner  Kritik,  Sollte  Shakes- 
peares  "Titus  Andronicus"  und  der  Mohr  Aaron,  die  Grausamkeit 
dieses  alten  Schauspiels  Sie  nicht  verleitet  haben?"* 

2.  A  statement  of  Heines  to  show  Grabbe's  enthusiasm  for 
Shakespeare : — 

' '  Obige  Notiz  ist  mehr  an  den  deutschen  als  an  den  franzosischen 
Leser  gerichtet,  und  fiir  letzteren  will  ich  hier  nur  bemerken,  dass  be- 
sagter  Dietrich  Grabbe  einer  der  grossten  deutschen  Dichter  war  und 
von  alien  unseren  dramatischen  Dichtern  wohl  als  derjenige  genannt 
werden  darf,  der  die  meiste  Verwandtschaft  mit  Shakespeare  hat.  Er 
mag  weniger  Saiten  auf  seiner  Leier  haben  als  andre,  die  dadurch  ihn 
vielleicht  iiberragen,  aber  die  Saiten,  die  er  besitzt,  haben  einen  Klang, 
der  nur  bei  dem  grossen  Briten  gefunden  wird.  Er  hat  dieselben 
Plotzlichkeitcn,  dieselben  Naturlaute,  womit  uns  Shakespeare  er- 
schreckt,  erschiittert,  entziickt. 

Aber  alle  seine  Vorziige  sind  verdunkelt  durch  eine  Geschmaek- 
losigkeit,  einen  Cynismus  und  eine  Ausgelassenheit,  die  das  Tollste 
und  Abscheulichste  iiberbieten,  das  je  ein  Gehirn  zu  Tage  gefordert. 
Es  ist  aber  nicht  Krankheit,  etwa  Fieber  oder  Blodsinn,  was  derglei- 
chen  hervorbrachte,  sondern  eine  geistige  Intoxikation  des  Genies.  Wie 
Plato  den  Diogenes  sehr  treffend  einen  wahnsinnigen  Sokrates  nannte, 
so  konnte  man  unsern  Grabbe  leider  mit  doppeltem  Rechte  einen  be- 
trunkenen  Shakespeare  nennen."t 

3.  His  love  for  the  theater  and  Shakespeare. 

a.  He  saw  plays  under  the  guise  of  a  city  musician. 

"Es  spielte  namlich  damals  die  Karschin 'sche  Truppe  auf  der 
Detmolder  Biihne,  welche  damals  noch  in  einem  grosseren  Orange- 
riegebaude  des  Lustgartens  hergeriehtet  war  und  hier  ging  er  denn 
mit  dem  Herm  Stadtmusikus.  eine  Flote  in  die  Hand  nehmend,  als 
ob  er  zur  Stadtcapelle  gehore.  "t 

6.  He  saw  Shakespeare  produced  on  the  stage  at  Berlin.  || 

c.  His  own  talent. 

"Ueber  mein  etwaiges  Talent  zur  Biihne  wage  ich  mich  nicht  wel- 
ter auszulassen,  well  ich  dabei  zu  leicht  in  den  Schein  der  selbsthu- 

*See  Blumenthal  Grdbhes  WerTce,  Vol.  IV,  page  621. 

f  See  Heines  Werke,  Elster  Edition,  Vol.  VII,  469. 

+See  Ziegler  Grahbes  Leben  und  CharaJcter,  page  16. 

1 1  See  Strodtman  H.  Heines  Leben  tind  Werke.  Second  Edition,  Vol.  I, 
page  164.  Also  see  E.  Willkomm  in  Jahrbiicher  fiir  Drama,  Bramaturgie  und 
Theater.  1837,  page  70. 


21 

delei  verfallen  mochte ;  ich  versichere  nur  ganz  einfaeh,  dass  ich  meine 
Stimme  ohne  Anstrengung  vom  feinsten  Madchendiscant  bis  zum  tief- 
sten  Basse  moduliren  kann,  und  dass  der  hochste  Tadel,  welchen  man 
in  Gesellschaften  iiber  meine  Darstellung  aussprach,  darin  bestand, 
dass  ich  die  Charaktere  beinahe  zu  scharf  und  eigenthiimlich  aufgrif fe 
und  im  Tragischen  den  Zuschauer  zu  sehr  erschreckte.  Aueh  lautet  es 
lappisch,  aber  ich  muss  es  doch  sagen,  dass  ich  in  dem  Augenbliek 
keine  Rolle  wiisste,  die  ich  mir  nicht  binnen  zwei  Wochen  zu  spielen 
getraute ;  mindestens  zweifle  ich  nicht,  dass,  wenn  ich  z.  B.  den  Ham- 
let oder  Lear  gut  sollte  darstellen  konnen,  ich  den  Fallstaff  oder  Dup- 
perieh  nicht  weniger  gut  agiren  wiirde.  "* 

d.  He  read  Shakespeare  in  company. 

In  the  circle  of  Heine,  Uechtritz,  Robert  and  others,  Shakespeare 
was  read  with  assigned  parts.  In  this  circle  Grabbe  was  admitted 
during  his  abode  in  Berlin. t 

E.     Translation  of  Shakespeare. 

Grabbe,  during  the  closing  years  of  his  life,  attempted  a  transla- 
tion of  Shakespeare's  Hamlet 4 

His  variations  of  the  closing  lines  of  Borneo  and  Juliet  are  rather 
interesting : — 

"For  never  was  a  story  of  more  woe 
Than  this  of  Juliet  and  her  Romeo. ' ' 

This  Grabbe  cited  as 

"Und  never  was  a  greater  woe 

As  that  of  Juliet  and  their  Romeo. ' ' 

Uehersetzungsvariationen. 

Und  nimmer  war  ein  grosser  Weh 
Als  Romeos  und  seiner  Julie. 

Und  nimmer  gab's  ein  schlimmres  Loos 
Als  Julias  und  ihres  Romeos. 

Und  nimmer  grosser  Weh  geschah 
Als  das  des  Romeo  und  der  Julia. 

Und  nimmer  gross  ein  "Wehe  so 
Als  das  von  Julia  und  Romeo. 

*See  Blumenthal  Grabbes  Werle,  Vol.  IV,  page  362. 

j-See  Brief  von  Uechtrits  an  Hebbel,  Hebbels  Briefwechsel,  Volume  II,  page 
218. 

|See  Blumenthal  Grabbes  Werl-e,  Vol.  IV,  page  529-533,  and  540. 


22 

(A  la  Wieland). 

Und  nimmer  ist  solch  Leid  passirt 
Als  an  den  Zwei'n  gesehen  wird. 

Und  nimmer  ein  unsel'ger  Ungliick 
Als  Julias  und  Komeo's  Geschick, 

(Wohl  a  la  Benda). 

Ein  grossres  Wehe  gab's  noeh  nie 
Als  das  der  beiden  Todten  hie. 

Und  wo  gab  es  ein  grossres  Well  jemals 
Als  dieses  Romeos  und  Julias. 

(A  la  Adrian). 

Ein  grossres  Well  ist  nie  gesehn 
Als  das  an  Romeon  und  Julian, 

(Oder  a  la  Adrian  und  Voss). 

Ein  grossres  Ungliick  ist  nie  gesehehn 
Als  dies  an  Romeo  und  sein'm  Julchen. 

(A  la  Meyer  in  Hildeburghausen  und  ausser  New  York.) 

Ein  furchtbarer  schreeklieher  Geschick 

Ist  wohl,  so  lang  der  Erdball  rollt, 
Der  Soun'  ein  brausend  Loblied  zollt, 
Noch  nie  geseh'n,  mit  diistrem  Blick, 
Als  Julia,  die  hehre,  schlank  gewachsen, 
Und  Romeo  mit  dem  Haare,  golden,  flachsen, 
Hier  todt  aus  Liebe  hingestreckt, 
Er  qualvoll  aufgezehrt  vom  Arsenik, 
Sie  wunderschon  dahingereckt, 
Das  pracht'ge  Kleid  mit  Blut  befleckt  — 
0  ungeheuer !  doch,  das  ist  des  Schicksals  Loos, 
Zu  grosses  Gliick :  Es  hat  Ungliick  im  Schooss ! 

F.     Shakspearo-Manie  und  Theaterkritiken  at  Diisseldorf. 

The  existence  of  the  essay  on  Shakespeare,  and  the  essays  and 
criticisms  on  Shakespearian  plays  during  Grabbe's  abode  at  Diissel- 
dorf show  to  what  extent  he  knew  Shakespeare.* 

*See  Blumenthal  Grahhes  Werke,  Vol.  IV,  pages  139-301. 


CHAPTER  THREE. 


Herzog  Theodor  von  Gothland. 


In  this  treatment  of  Herzog  Theodor  von  Gothland  my  purpose 
will  not  be  to  make  an  exhaustive  study  of  it,  nor  to  go  into  all  the 
influences  vs^hieh  affected  its  author  during  its  composition.  A  com- 
plete study  would  involve  more  than  I  care  to  take  up  at  this  time. 
One  could  not  present  an  exhaustive  treatment  without  taking  into 
consideration  a  great  many  factors  which  were  operating  at  the  time 
our  poet  wrote  Gothland.  Grabbe  wrote  during  that  period  of  German 
literature  known  as  the  period  of  Romanticism.  The  ''Shicksals- 
drama"  was  at  its  height  during  his  early  youth.  This  fate  element  is 
very  easily  detected  in  Gothland.  The  pessimistic  writings  of  Schopen- 
hauer were  beginning  to  appear.  Although  at  this  time  they  did  not 
exert  a  great  influence.  The  work  of  Gcethe  and  Schiller  in  the  drama 
was  well  recognized  and  many  were  trying  to  follow  in  their  foot- 
steps. Schiller  particularly  exerted  a  great  influence  upon  the  drama 
of  this  period. 

Shakespeare  continued  to  be  the  model  to  a  greater  or  less  ex- 
tent. The  Shakespeare  influence  direct  and  Shakespeare  influence  in- 
filtrated through  Gcethe  and  Schiller  must  be  distinguished.  The 
unpleasant  environment  of  Grabbe 's  childhood  and  the  peculiar  tem- 
perament of  the  man  could  not  fail  to  leave  their  traces  upon  his  writ- 
ings. 

These  and  other  factors  must  be  reckoned  with  if  one  is  to  thor- 
oughly treat  the  Gothland.  My  purpose,  however,  will  be  to  treat 
the  Gothland  more  particularly  with  reference  to  its  relation  to 
Shakespeare,  or  rather  Shakespeare 's  influence  upon  it. 

I  have  shown  in  a  previous  section  that  Grabbe  was  acquainted 
with  Shakespeare's  works  at  the  time  he  wrote  the  Gothland.  He 
was  more  than  acquainted  with  them,  he  was  enthused  by  them  and 
filled  with  them.  To  prove  this  and  to  show  justification  for  my 
position  towards  the  Gothland,  I  wish  to  insert  here  parts  of  letters 
which  have  been  previously  given.  In  a  letter  to  his  father  which 
Blumenthal  assigns  to  the  latter  part  of  the  year  1818,  Grabbe  says : 

23 


24 

"Du  weisst  wie  selir  ich  mich  mit  Shakespeare  beschaftige,  dessen 
Ruhm  Du  in  jedem  Buche  lesen  kannst;  Du  weisst,  dass  ihn  Einer, 
der  sich  mit  den  Dramen  abgibt,  durchaus  kennen  muss."  In 
another  letter  to  his  parents  which  Blumenthal  assigns  also  to  the  year 
1818  we  find  stronger  praise: 

"In  jedem  meiner  Biieher  kannst  Du  das  Lob  seines  Verfassers 
lesen.  Es  ist  in  seiner  Art  das  erste  Buch  der  Welt  und  gilt  bei 
Vielen  mehr  als  die  Bibel,  denn  es  ist  das  Buch  der  Konige  und  des 
Volkes,  es  ist  das  Buch,  wovon  Einige  behaupten,  dass  es  ein  Gott  ge- 
schrieben  habe,  es  sind 

die  Tragodien  Shakespeares, 
(des  Verfassers  des  Hamlet)  die  schon  300  Jahre  bekannt  sind.  Die- 
sen  hat  Deutsehland  seine  Bildung  zu  verdanken,  denn  sie  regten  zu- 
erst  Goethe,  den  grossten  Deutschen  auf;  sie  waren  es.  um  welche 
Schiller,  als  er  eine  Stelle  aus  ihnen  hatte  vorlesen  horen,  nach  Stutt- 
gart reiste  und  von  ihnen  befeuert,  die  Rauber  schrieb,  deshalb  kannst 

Du  mir  verzeihen,  dass  ich  von  ihnen  eingenommen  bin Ich  kann 

aber  bios  das  schreiben  (ausser  der  Jura  oder  Medicin,  die  ich  vielleicht 
studire),  was  in  Shakespeares  Fach  schlagt:  Dramen — durch  eine 
Tragodie  kann  man  sich  Ruhm  bei  Kaisern  und  ein  Honorar  von  Tau- 
senden  erwerben,  und  durch  Shakespeares  Tragodien  kann  man  lemen, 
gute  zu  machen.  Denn  er  ist  der  erste  der  Welt,  wie  Schiller  sagt,  bei 
dessen  Stiicken  Weiber  zu  friihzeitig  geboren  haben — der  Shakespeare 
ist  aber  so  schwer  zu  verstehen,  dass  man  Monate  an  einer  Seite,  wie 
an  dem  Monolog  im  Hamlet :  Sein  oder  Nicht-Sein  usw.  studiren  muss, 
und  Jahre  lang,  wenn  man  etwas  daraus  lemen  will.  Darum  wiinsehte 
ich  ihn  eigen  zu  haben." 

I  cannot  see  what  stronger  proof  could  be  asked  to  show  to  what 
an  extent  Grabbe  was  inspired  and  influenced  by  Shakespeare  at  this 
time. 

"Deshalb  kannst  Du  mir  verzeihen,  dass  ich  von  ihnen  (die  Tra- 
godien Shakespeares)  eingenommen  bin."  "Ich  kann  aber  bios  das 
schreiben,  was  in  Shakespeares  Fach  schlagt:  Dramen."  "Durch 
Shakespeares  Tragodien  kann  man  lemen,  gute  zu  machen. "  "  Darum 
(wenn  man  etwas  daraus  lernen  will)  wiinsehte  ich  ihnen  eigen  zu 
haben." 

Statements  of  this  character  are  proof  conclusive.  And  if  more 
were  needed  we  have  Grabbe 's  own  declaration  that  the  Gothland  was 
influenced  by  Shakespeare.  In  the  introduction  to  his  essay,  Ueher  die 
Shakespearomanie,  he  says : 


25 

"Auch  diese  Abhandlimg  entstand  vor  mehreren  Jahren  und  ist 
jetzt  niir  revidirt.  Der  Verfasser  kann  iiber  die  zur  Mode  gewordene 
Bewunderung  des  Shakespeare  um  so  eher  spreehen,  als  er  selbst  daran 
etwas  gelitten  hat.  Der  Gothland  (keines  der  iibrigen  Stiicke)  tragt 
vielleicht  einige  Spuren  davon . " 

I  have  repeated  the  above  quotations,  all  of  which  appeared  in 
a  previous  section,  to  more  fully  impress  upon  the  reader  Grabbe's 
enthusiasm  for  Shakespeare  at  the  time  he  wrote  Gothland.  This 
admiration  of  Grabbe  for  Shakespeare  must  be  considered  in  a  study 
of  Gothland.  No  work  of  literature  can  be  analyzed  without  a  knowl- 
edge of  the  poet's  mental  attitude  at  the  time  he  wrote.  The  above 
statements  and  a  careful  study  of  the  text,  together  with  a  con- 
servative opinion  in  regard  to  the  extent  to  which  a  man  makes  use 
of  another  literature  have  guided  me  very  much  in  my  treatment  of 
Gothland. 

At  this  point  I  \vasli  to  call  attention  to  the  dramas  contained  in  the 
volume  of  Shakespeare  which  Grabbe  ordered  while  a  student  at 
Detmold :  Jidius  Caesar,  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  Timon  of  Athens, 
Troilus  and  Cressida  and  Titus  Andronicus.  I  also  wish  to  call  atten- 
tion to  a  statement  of  Grabbe  that  he  read  Titus  Andronicus  in  the 
original.  (See  Blmnenthal  Grahbes  Werke  IV,  619.)  I  am  aware 
that  this  statement  denies  the  claim  I  am  about  to  set  up  that  Titus 
Andronicus  is  that  work  of  Shakespeare  which  is  particularly  re- 
flected in  Gotldand.  My  claim,  however,  is  not  that  Grabbe  intended 
to  produce  an  imitation  of  Titus  Andronicus  but  that  the  general  idea 
of  the  Titus  Andronicus  is  reflected  in  Gothland.  Grabbe,  as  he  says  in 
this  reference,  read  Titus  Andronicus  at  a  time  when  he  only  half 
understood  the  English  language.  Is  it  not  logical  that  the  impressions 
gained  by  such  a  reading  of  Titus  Andronicus  would  appeal  to 
Grabbe's  easily  inflamed  mind,  and  he  in  turn  would  be  uncon- 
sciously, if  not  consciously  influenced  by  them  and  would  incorporate 
them  into  his  own  work  ?  This  is  the  more  probable  when  we  consider 
Grabbe's  temperament  and  the  type  of  man  he  was.  A  drama  like 
Titus  Andronicus  would  strongly  appeal  to  Grabbe's  youthful  mind. 
A  comparison  of  it  with  Gothland  will  show  all  the  treachery,  cruelty 
and  brutality  of  it  duplicated  in  Gothland.  It  will  also  show  many 
minor  similarities  which  will  bear  out  this  claim.  Are  not  the  two 
dramas  in  many  respects  dramas  of  the  same  type?  Should  they  not 
be  classed  together?    This  is  what  I  shall  endeavor  to  set  forth. 

The  drama  opens  in  what  I  should  call  a  Shakespearean  manner 


26 

of  opening  a  drama.  "With  short,  abrupt  questions,  answers  and 
exclamations,  the  exposition  is  placed  before  the  reader.  For  this 
particular  method  of  beginning  a  drama  in  Shakespeare  I  cite  Hamlet, 
The  Tempest  and  Coriolanus.  In  fact,  this  is  a  favorite  method  of 
Shakespeare  for  the  beginning  of  a  scene,  whether  it  is  the  opening  act 
or  not.  One  need  but  to  leaf  through  any  edition  of  Shakespeare  to 
see  this.  Grabbe  in  the  Gothland  makes  use  of  this  method  of  begin- 
ning a  scene  in  a  number  of  places.  An  opening  of  this  character 
serves  to  catch  the  attention  of  the  hearer  at  once.  The  situations 
are  often  startling  and  the  action  is  advanced  by  this  method. 

The  scene  of  action  in  Gothland  is  laid  on  the  coast  of  Sweden. 
Sweden  is  being  invaded  by  a  Finnish  fleet,  commanded  by  Berdoa,  a 
Moor.  This  invasion  is  detected  by  the  coast  guards  of  Sweden,  who 
raise  an  alarm.  A  storm  arises  which  dashes  the  Finnish  fleet  upon 
the  cliffs.  Notwithstanding  this  misfortune  the  Finns  succeed  in 
making  a  landing,  although  their  leader,  Berdoa,  is  apparently  fatally 
injured.  Very  shortly  after  their  landing  Holm,  a  messenger  from 
the  Swedish  king,  arrives.  In  the  course  of  the  conversation  between 
Holm  and  Berdoa  mention  is  made  of  Herzog  Theodor  von  Gothland. 
The  mere  mention  of  the  name  arouses  the  anger  of  Berdoa,  and  he 
swears  vengeance  against  the  Duke.  Here  is  the  keynote  of  the  entire 
drama.  All  the  horrible  crimes  which  follow  are  the  result  of  the 
Moor's  desire  for  vengeance.  Upon  this  desire  rests  the  drama. 
Herein  is  the  underlying  motive  of  Gothland  similar  to  the  underlying 
motive  of  Titus  Andronicus.  In  Gothland  there  is  the  determination 
on  the  part  of  Berdoa  to  destroy  the  entire  family  of  Herzog  Goth- 
land in  order  to  satisfy  his  desire  for  revenge.  In  Titus  Andronicus 
there  is  the  determination  on  the  part  of  Tamora  to  destroy  the  entire 
family  of  Titus  Andronicus  in  order  to  satisfy  her  desire  for  revenge. 
While  Tamora  swears  vengeance,  yet  it  is  Aaron  who  plans  the  crimes 
and  sees  to  their  execution. 

Berdoa:  leh  soil  an  ihn  denken? 

Das  will  ich! 

Sein  Weib,  sein  Kind,  sein  Vater,  seine  Briider, 
Ein  Jeder,  der  ihn  liebt,  und  er  vor  Allen, 
Sie  sollen  dich,  der  mich  an  ihn  erinnerte, 
Und  diesen  Augenblick  in  dem's  geschah, 
Verfluchen,  sollen  wiinschen,  du  warst  nie 
Geboren,  weil  dein  Mund  Schmach,  Ungliick  und 
Verderben  herrief  iiber  Gothlands  Ilaus! 
Den  Herzog  Gothland,  der  mir  furchtbar  seyn  soil, 


27 

Will  ich  zum  Kinderspott  erniedrigen ! 
Mein  Leben  setz '  ich  an  das  seinige ;  das  Herz 
Reiss'  ich  ihm  aus  und  werf  s  den  Hunden  vor 
Es  zu  zerfleischen,  luid  vermag  ich's  niclit,  so 
Zersprenge  Zornwuth  meine  Brust ! 

Tamora:  I  '11  find  the  day  to  massacre  them  all, 

And  raze  their  faction,  and  their  family. 
The  cruel  father,  and  his  traitorous  sons, 
To  whom  I  sued  for  my  dear  son 's  life ; 
And  make  them  Icnow  what  'tis  to  let  a  queen 
Kneel  in  the  streets  and  beg  for  grace  in  vain. 

It  is  this  motive  of  the  extinction  of  an  entire  family  by  a  Moor 
which  I  claim  Grabbe  borrowed  from  Shakespeare.  This  is  no  small 
borrowing,  for  this  is  the  principal  motive  of  Gothland,  and  upon 
it  rests  the  drama.  In  Titus  Andronicus  it  is  quite  natural  that  the 
mother  Tamora,  her  pride  humbled  and  her  heart  broken  by  the  death 
of  her  child,  would  demand  so  heavy  a  retribution  as  the  extinction 
of  an  entire  family,  in  order  to  satisfy  her  revenge.  Here  the  desire 
for  revenge  is  in  proportion  with  the  wrong  suffered.  But  in  Goth- 
land Grabbe  was  so  eager  to  get  at  the  revenge  of  the  Moor  and  the 
extinction  of  a  family  that  he  neglected  to  work  up  a  sufficient  motive 
for  his  revenge.  Simply  because  Theodor  von  Gothland  had  had 
Berdoa  whipped  at  one  time,  he  is  going  to  murder  Gothland  and 
everyone  dear  to  him,  Grabbe 's  lack  of  skill  at  this  point  betrays 
his  eagerness  to  portray  the  thing  uppermost  in  his  mind,  a  list  of 
horrible  crimes  committed  to  satisfy  the  cravings  of  his  desire  for 
revenge.  He  even  changes  the  plan  of  the  entire  Finnish  army; 
instead  of  proceeding  against  the  King  of  Sweden,  he  sets  off  at  once 
to  reap  vengeance  upon  Gothland, 

My  second  point  of  similarity  between  Titus  Andronicus  and 
Gothland  is  the  figure  of  Aaron  and  the  figure  of  Berdoa.  Both,  as 
has  been  said,  are  Moors.  Neither  one  is  the  principal  of  the  play, 
but  each  is  a  secondary  character.  Each  is  connected  with  a  bar- 
barian army,  which,  for  the  time  being,  is  in  a  civilized  or  christian 
land.  Neither  actually  commits  the  crimes,  but  has  them  committed 
through  his  accomplices  or  plots.  Each  conspires  against  the  bravest 
and  best  general  of  the  opposing  army.  Each  is  finally  put  to  death 
through  the  instrumentality  of  the  family  he  attempted  to  overthrow. 
In  each  case  the  Moor  is  led  away  to  be  put  to  death,  neither  death 
occurring  on  the  stage. 


28 

Their  views  on  their  own  color,  as  Piper*  has  pointed  out,  stands 
apart  from  other  figures  of  Moors  in  literature.  Piper  points  out  the 
fact  that  Hassan  in  Fiesko  calls  the  color  of  his  skin  a  Mondfinsternis, 
and  Othello  says  to  Desdemona : 

Ihr  Name,  wie  das  Antlitz 

Dianens  rein,  ist  nun  befleckt  und  sehwarz 

Wie  mein  Gesicht! — 

But  Aaron  says : 

*  *  *     *     *  is  black  so  base  a  hue  ? — 

Sweet  blowse,  you  are  a  beauteous  blossom  sure. ' ' 

Again  Aaron  says : 

What,  what,  ye  sanguine  shallow-hearted  boys ! 

Ye  white-lim  'd  walls,  ye  ale-house  painted  signs ! 

Coal  black  is  better  than  another  hue. 

In  that  it  scorns  to  bear  another  hue ; 

For  all  the  water  in  the  ocean 

Can  never  turn  the  swan's  black  legs  to  white, 

Although  she  lave  them  hourly  in  the  flood. 

Berdoa  says : 

Im  vollsten  Ernst, 
Ein  ordentlicher  Mohr  muss  aussehen  wie 
Ein  gut  gewichster  Stiefel! 

The  characters  of  the  two  Moors  are  very  similar.  This  is  shown 
not  only  in  their  vengeance  against  the  particular  family  from  whom 
they  are  seeking  revenge,  but  also  by  the  light  esteem  in  which  they 
hold  human  life  and  their  attitude  towards  crime  in  general.  Aaron 
kills  the  nurse  and  midwife  without  compunction,  in  order  to  hide  the 
birth  of  his  child.  Berdoa.  in  the  same  spirit,  betrays  Rolf  and  brings 
about  the  death  of  Rolf  and  the  Leichenweib.  To  show  the  attitude  of 
Aaron  and  Berdoa  towards  particular  crimes,  how  they  murdered  with- 
out mercy  or  any  feeling  of  compassion,  I  quote  their  remarks  at  the 
time  of  the  crimes  referred  to: 

Aaron.  *     *     *But  say  again,  how  many  saw  the  child  ? 

Nurse.  Cornelia  the  midwife,  and  myself; 

And  no  one  else,  but  the  delivered  empress. 


*See  Bettrage  sum  Studium   Grabbes,  by  Dr.  Carl  Anton  Piper  in  Forsch- 
ungen  zur  neueren  Litteraturgeschichte.     Miinchen,  1898.    Page  113. 


29 

Aaron.  The  empress,  the  midwife,  and  yourself : 

Two  may  keep  counsel  when  the  third's  away, 
Go  to  the  empress;  tell  her  this  I  said. — 

[Stabbing  her,  she  screams.] 
Weke,  weke ! — so  cries  a  pig,  prepared  to  the  spit. 

Demetrius.      What  mean  'st  thou,  Aaron  ?    Wherefore  did  'st  thou  this  ? 

Aaron.  O  lord !  sir,  'tis  a  deed  of  policy. 

Shall  she  live  to  betray  this  guilt  of  ours, 

A  long-tongued,  babbling  gossip  ?    No,  lords,  no, 
******* 

But  send  the  midwife  presently  to  me: 
The  midwife,  and  the  nurse,  well  made  away, 
Then  let  the  ladies  tattle  what  they  please. 

Here  the  nurse  had  come  in  good  faith  to  Aaron  to  help  hide  the 
birth  of  the  child.  Her  reward  from  Aaron  was  death.  As  can  be  seen 
from  the  passages  there  is  no  feeling  for  the  nurse  or  regret  for  the 
crime. 

Gothland :  Hinein  mit  dir ! 

Rolf:   (sich  straubend)  :  Herr  Gott,  da  drinnen  muss  ich  ja  ver- 
hungern ! 
Gothland :  Ei,  das  sollst  du  auch ! 

Rolf:  Jetzt,  Neger!  halt'  was  du  versprachst!     Errett'  mich! 
Berdoa:  Herzog,  werft  doch  den  Hund  hinein,  dass  ihm 
Die  Zahne  klappern! 
Rolf:    Ha,  gemartert  miisst' 

Ich  werden,  weil  ich  einer  Natter  traute ! 

(zu  Berdoa)  : 
Wart '  Satan  !  wart !  noch  hab '  ich  eine  Zunge ! 
Hort,  Herzog !  horet,  hort  mich  an ! 

(zu  Berdoa)  : 

Erbosse 
Dich  nur! 
Berdoa:     (grimmig  zu  Gothland):     Erlaubt  mir,  dass  ich  ihn 
durchstosse ! 

This  was  the  conversation  at  the  murder  of  the  Leichenweib: 
Berdoa :  1st  mein  Befehl  vollzogen  ?  1st  das  Leichenweib 

Erdrosselt? 
Irnak:    Ihre  hagre  Kehle  ward 
Auf  ewig  zugesclmiirt. 
Berdoa:  Gut;  das 

Soil  spaterhin  noch  seinen  Nutzen  stiften ! 

In  the  former  of  these  passages  from  Gothland  it  was  through 
the  aid  of  Eolf  that  Berdoa  was  able  to  deceive  Gothland  and  carry 
out  his  plan.    Eolf  had  been  promised  not  only  his  life,  but  a  reward 


30 

of  money  by  Berdoa  for  his  part  of  the  work.  Notwithstanding  this, 
Berdoa  does  not  interfere  when  Gothland  puts  Rolf  into  the  tomb, 
but,  on  the  contrary,  he  offers  to  kill  him.  In  the  second  of  these 
passages  notice  how  calmly  Berdoa  receives  the  news  of  the  execution 
of  his  order  to  kill  the  Leiehenweib.  These  passages  are  not  offered 
as  parallels  but  for  the  purpose  of  showing  the  sentiments  and  char- 
acters of  the  two  Moors. 

In  regard  to  the  attitude  of  Aaron  and  Berdoa  towards  crime  in 
general,  the  passages  about  to  be  given  not  only  show  the  same  atti- 
tude towards  crime  and  the  fiendish  nature  of  the  two  Moors,  but 
they  could  be  offered  as  parallels. 

Lucius.  Art  thou  not  sorry  for  these  heinous  deeds? 
Aaron.     Ay,  that  I  had  not  done  a  thousand  more. 

Even  now  I  curse  the  day,  (and  yet  I  think, 

Few  come  within  the  compass  of  my  curse) 

"Wherein  I  did  not  some  notorious  ill : 

As  kill  a  man,  or  else  devise  his  death; 

Ravish  a  maid,  or  plot  the  way  to  do  it; 

Accuse  some  innocent,  and  forswear  myself; 

Set  deadly  enmity  between  two  friends; 

Make  poor  men's  cattle  break  their  necks; 

Set  fire  on  barns  and  hay-stacks  in  the  night. 

And  bid  the  owners  quench  them  with  their  tears. 

Oft  have  I  digged  up  dead  men  from  their  graves, 

And  set  them  upright  at  their  dear  friends'  doors, 

Even  when  their  sorrows  almost  were  forgot; 

And  on  their  skins,  as  on  the  bark  of  trees. 

Have  with  my  knife  carved  in  Roman  letters, 

' '  Let  not  your  sorrow  die,  though  I  am  dead. ' ' 

Tut !    I  have  done  a  thousand  dreadful  things. 

As  willingly  as  one  would  kill  a  fly ; 

And  nothing  grieves  me  heartily  indeed. 

But  that  I  cannot  do  ten  thousand  more. 

A  character  such  as  Aaron  pictures  here  we  find  in  Berdoa. 
Grabbe  produced  in  Berdoa  a  character  who  did  such  deeds  and  one 
who  took  the  same  pleasure  in  the  fiendish  deeds  as  Aaron  did.  In 
addition  to  the  crimes  Berdoa  committed  we  have  a  statement  of  his 
which  bears  a  similarity  to  the  statement  of  Aaron : 

Berdoa:  Nie  will  ich  mich  erfreu'n,  nie  will  ich  lachen, 
Als  wenn  ich  Europaer  leiden  sehe ! 
Kein  Schlaf  soil  mir  am  Abend  jenes  Tages  nah'n 
An  welehem  ich  nicht  Einen  dieser  Brut 
Erwiirgte!    Auf  jedes,  jedes  Gliick 


31 

Des  Himmels  imd  der  Erde  leiste  ich, 
Verzicht,  Ermordimg  nur  der  Europaer 
Sei  meine  Seligkeit !    Ihr  Wimmem  sei 
Mir  Wonnelaut ;  ihr  Blut  mein  "Wein ;  ihr  Tod 
Mein  Lebeu,  ihre  Freude  meine  Holle ! 

I  wish  to  call  attention  to  two  sentences  taken  from  the  above  quo- 
tations : 

Aaron.       Even  now  I  curse  the  day  wherein 

I  did  not  some  notorious  ill. 
Berdoa :  Kein  Schlaf  soil  mir  am  Abend  jenes  Tages  nah  'n. 
An  welehem  ich  nicht  Einen  dieser  Brut  erwiirgte ! 

My  third  point  of  similarity  is  the  manner  in  which  the  revenge 
is  carried  out.  Not  one  act  against  the  family  of  Andronicus  does 
Aaron  himself  commit,  but  every  one  is  planned  by  him  or  brought 
about  as  a  result  of  his  revenge.  Likewise  not  one  act  against  the 
family  of  Gothland  does  Berdoa  himself  commit,  but  every  one  is 
planned  by  him  or  brought  about  as  a  result  of  his  revenge.  Almost 
every  murder  of  Titus  Andronicus  follows  as  a  result  of  an  alleged 
crime  brought  about  by  Aaron.  This  crime  is  as  follows:  Aaron 
causes  the  death  of  Bassianus,  brother  of  Saturninus  the  emperor, 
through  the  two  sons  of  Tamora.  He  then  leads  the  two  sons  of 
Titus,  whose  death  he  desires,  to  where  the  body  of  Bassianus  has 
been  hidden.  Having  left  Quintus  and  Martius,  the  sons  of  Titus,  in 
a  compromising  position  with  the  corpse  of  Bassianus,  he  conducts 
Saturninus,  Roman  emperor  and  brother  of  Bassianus,  back  to  the 
pit  in  which  are  Quintus,  Martius,  and  the  corpse.  He  also  causes 
a  forged  letter  which  is  a  confession  of  the  crime,  to  be  found  by  the 
father  of  Quintus  and  Martius.  This  letter,  together  with  the  finding 
of  a  bag  of  gold  which  Aaron  has  previously  hidden,  and  which  the 
letter  assigns  to  be  the  motive  for  the  murder,  causes  the  arrest  of 
Quintus  and  Martius,  and  they  are  led  away  to  prison.  Later  they 
lose  their  lives  because  of  this  crime,  which  is  charged  against  him. 
Thus,  by  a  foul  and  horrible  plot,  Quintus  and  Martius  are  killed, 
Lucius  their  brother  is  banished,  and  from  this  crime  later  results  the 
death  of  Titus,  Lavinia,  Saturninus,  Aaron,  Tamora,  Demetrius  and 
Chiron. 

In  Herzog  Theodor  von  Gothland,  almost  every  murder  follows  as 
a  result  of  an  alleged  crime  which  Berdoa  invents.  Manfred,  the 
brother  of  Gothland,  has  died  and  has  been  buried  at  Northal. 
Berdoa  is  at  the  castle  of  Gothland  when  Rolf,  the  servant  of  Fried- 


32 

rich,  another  brother  of  Gothland,  brings  the  news  that  Manfred  is 
dead.  In  this  sudden  death  of  Manfred  Berdoa  sees  how  he  can 
stir  up  a  strife  between  Theodor  and  his  remaining  brother  Friedrich. 
From  Rolf  he  secures  the  facts  in  the  case.  Then  he  approaches 
Theodor  and  accuses  Friedrich  of  the  murder  and  gives  Friedrich 's 
love  of  gold  as  the  motive  for  the  crime.  Having  aroused  Theodor 's 
suspicions,  he  hastens  to  Northal  with  Rolf  and  Irnak  to  arrange  mat- 
ters to  corroborate  his  charges.  With  an  axe  he  mutilates  the  corpse 
of  Manfred  and  then  sends  Irnak  to  kill  the  Leichenweib  so  that  there 
will  be  no  witness  to  frustrate  his  plot.  Meanwhile  Theodor  has 
journeyed  to  Northal  and  arrives  at  the  tomb  just  after  Berdoa  has 
completed  his  horrible  work.  Horrified,  Theodor  rushes  from  the  tomb 
and  sends  for  Berdoa.  Berdoa  now  changes  liis  tactics  and  pretends 
not  to  believe  that  Friedrich  was  the  murderer.  Theodor  shows  him 
the  wounds  and  finally  convinces  him.  Rolf  is  now  introduced  by  a 
previous  arrangement  of  Berdoa  and  he  confesses  that  he  stood  by 
while  Friedrich  slew  Manfred.  At  the  conclusion  of  Rolf's  narra- 
tive he  is  thrust  into  the  tomb  to  die  from  hunger.  Berdoa,  as  has 
been  shown,  plays  the  traitor  to  Rolf  at  this  point,  as  he  wishes  all 
witnesses  to  be  put  to  death.  Every  act  and  every  speech  of  Berdoa 
has  been  to  arouse  Theodor  against  his  brother  Friedrich.  Craftily 
he  works  him  up  to  so  great  a  point  of  excitement,  grief,  and  rage  that 
Theodor  goes  in  search  of  his  brother,  and  after  making  a  vain 
plea  for  the  king  to  pass  judgment  upon  Friedrich  he  himself  kills 
Friedrich  thereby  causing  himself  to  be  driven  from  the  Swedish 
army  and  the  sentence  of  death  passed  upon  him.  As  a  result  of  this 
crime  the  old  Herzog  von  Gothland,  father  of  Theodor,  Theodor,  Ber- 
doa, Erik,  Arbogo,  Cacilia,  Gustav  and  Rolf  later  lose  their  lives. 

What  points  of  similarity  do  we  have  between  the  crimes  of  these 
two  plays?  In  each  drama  the  Moor  is  the  instigator  of  the  crimes 
and  responsible  for  their  execution.  This  point  Piper  has  pointed 
out.  In  each  drama  the  Moor  keeps  his  hands  clean  from  the  actual 
commission  of  the  crimes.  In  each  case  the  man  accused  is  innocent 
of  the  crime  which  the  Moor  has  invented  against  him.  In  each  case 
the  man  accused  is  a  member  of  the  family  the  Moor  desires  to  ex- 
terminate. In  each  case  the  man  accused  loses  his  life  through  the 
instrumentality  of  the  principal  member  of  the  household  against 
which  the  Moor  has  directed  his  hatred,  Friedrich  through  his  brother 
Theodor  who  thought  he  was  acting  justly,  and  Quintus  and  Martins 
through  the  testimony  of  their  father  by  the  letter  which  he  has  found. 


33 

In  each  ease  the  motive  of  money  is  charged  by  the  Moor  as  the  motive. 
In  each  case,  in  addition  to  the  circumstantial  evidence  against  the 
accused,  the  Moor  brings  in  direct  evidence  that  leaves  no  doubt  as  to 
their  guilt;  in  the  one  case  the  testimony  of  Rolf,  the  servant  of 
Friedrich,  and  in  the  other,  the  letter  foimd  by  Titus,  the  father  of 
Quintus  and  Martins.  In  each  case  the  entire  plot  was  a  device  of  the 
Moor  whereby  innocent  men  were  to  suffer  in  order  to  satisfy  his 
desire  for  vengeance.  In  each  case  a  series  of  murders  was  the 
result  of  this  particular  plot.  Finally  the  Moors  are  killed  by  members 
of  the  family  they  attempted  to  exterminate. 

The  motive  of  the  extinction  of  an  entire  family  by  a  Moor,  the 
character  of  the  Moor  Berdoa,  and  the  method  of  destroying  the  family 
of  Gothland  are  the  principal  points  in  which  Grabbe  was  influenced 
by  Shakespeare's  Titus  Andronicus.  To  these  more  important  points 
of  resemblance  will  be  added  several  points  of  resemblance  upon  which 
not  so  much  stress  is  laid.  First,  let  us  consider  the  general  situation 
of  the  two  plays.  In  Titus  Andronicus  a  civilized  land  is  for  the  time 
being  under  the  domination  of  a  barbarian  people.  Saturninus,  who 
temporarily  rules,  is  imfitted  to  rule,  neglects  the  state  of  Rome,  and 
is  finally  killed.  Lucius,  who  has  been  banished,  returns  at  the  close 
of  the  drama  with  a  foreign  army  and  secures  the  empire  for  himself 
without  a  struggle,  the  temporary  rulers  having  brought  about  their 
own  destruction.  In  Herzog  Theodor  von  Gothland  a  christian  land  is 
invaded  and  for  the  time  being  is  under  the  domination  of  a  barbarian 
people.  This  fact  is  impressed  particularly  upon  the  reader.  There 
are  no  less  than  four  references  to  it  in  the  first  scene  of  Gothland: 

Ushek :  Und  pflanze  meines  Volkes  Schlachtpanier 

Der  Christenheit 
Ushek :  Fallt 

Der  Mohr,  so  ist  auch  Finnlands  Fall  nicht  fern. 

Die  Gotter  hassen  uns:  Wo  find'  ich  ihn? 
Berdoa :  Hexerei 

Der  schwedischen  Christenpriester — qual '  sie  Gott ! — 

Hat  mir  dies  Ungliick  angethan.    Warum 

Traf  jener  Balken  grade  meine  Brust? 
Holm:  Mohr,  du  stehst 

Am  Grabesrand ;  der  rohste  Heide  denlrt 

In  seiner  letzten  Stunde,  wo  dies  Leben 

Zu  Niehts,  die  Ewigkeit  zu  Allem  wird, 

An  die  Vergeltung,  sucht  voll  heisser  Reue 

Durch  Thranen  und  Gebet  die  Fiirchterlichp 

Mit  seinem  Leben  zu  versohnen. 


34 

In  the  opening  of  Titus  Andronicns  this  contrast  is  shown  by  the 
religious  rites  of  the  Romans  and  frequent  references  to  their  religion. 
In  addition  to  this  may  be  given  a  speech  of  Aaron  to  further  show 
the  contrast  between  the  two  peoples : 

Lucius.     Whom  should  I  swear  by  ?  thou  believ  'st  no  god : 
That  granted,  how  canst  thou  believe  an  oath? 

Aaron.       What  if  I  do  not,  as,  indeed  I  do  not; 
Yet,  for  I  know  thou  art  religious. 
And  hast  a  thing  within  thee,  called  conscience, 
With  twenty  popish  tricks  and  ceremonies, 
Which  I  have  seen  thee  careful  to  observe. 
Therefore  I  urge  thy  oath: — 

Gothland,  who  temporarily  is  in  power  neglects  Sweden  for  his- 
own  purposes,  and  is  finally  dethroned  and  killed.  The  real  king 
of  Sweden,  Olaf,  who  has  been  driven  out  of  the  coimtry,  returns 
towards  the  end  of  the  drama,  with  foreign  armies,  and  secures  the 
empire  for  himself  without  a  struggle  the  temporary  rulers  having 
brought  about  their  own  destruction. 

In  the  general  situation  of  Titus  Andronicus  an  incident  occurs 
which  is  paralleled  by  an  incident  in  Gothland.  When  Tamora  is 
made  queen  and  has  the  power  to  wreak  vengeance  upon  her  enemy 
she  refrains  at  the  time  for  the  sake  of  policy. 

Tamora.     My  lord,  be  ruled  by  me,  be  won  at  last ; 
Dissemble  all  your  griefs  and  discontents : 
You  are  but  newly  planted  in  your  throne; 
Lest  then,  the  people,  patricians  too. 
Upon  a  just  survey,  take  Titus'  part, 
And  so  supplant  you  for  ingratitude. 
Which  Rome  reputes  to  be  a  heinous  sin, 
Yield  at  entreats,  and  then  let  me  alone, 
I  '11  find  a  day  to  massacre  them  all. 
And  raze  their  faction  and  their  family. 

In  Gothland  when  Gothland  is  about  to  be  chosen  king  and  has 
the  power  to  wreak  vengeance  upon  Berdoa,  he  refrains  at  the  time 
for  the  sake  of  policy. 

JJsheh     (zu  Gothland)  :  Wenn  du  ilm  willst  getodtet  haben,  so 

Trag  mir  es  auf  —  lass  mich  den  Vater  rachen ! 
Bossan     (leise  zu  Gothland)  :  Treibt  es  fiir's  erste  nicht  zu  weit; 
schon  wird 

Der  Pobel  nach  der  alten  Weise  wieder 

Mitleidig,  —  immer  halt  er  es  mit  dem, 

Der  unterliegt! 


35 

Gothland:  Wie  wahr  das  ist,  mein  lieber  Rossan  I 

(fiir  sicli)  : 
—  Erst  Grausamkeit  zur  Folie  und  dann 
Ein  bischen  Grossinuth  draufgefliekt  das  wirkt, 
Das  muss  zu  Thranen  riiliren  —  Jetzt, 
Die  Grossmuth ! 

Irnak, 
Berdoa  ward  von  dir  am  wenigsten 
Beleidigt;  beim  Erwachen,  denk'  ich,  sieht  er 
Dich  lieber  als  ims  Andre ;  bringe  ihn 
In  Sicherheit,  imd  wenn  dir  meine  Gnade  auch 
Nur  etwas  gilt,  so  pfleg'  ihn  wie  'nen  Freund. 
(Irnak  und  Soldaten  bringen  den  Neger  von  der  Biihne). 
Rossan :  1st  das  nicht  edel  ? 

Die  Finnen:  Ja,  grossmiithig  ist's 

Gehandelt ! 

There  are  some  resemblances  in  the  characters  of  the  two 
fathers,  Titus  Andronicus  and  the  old  Herzog  von  Gothland.  In  the 
attitude  of  the  two  men  towards  their  respective  kings  is  the  first 
point  of  similarity.  When  Saturninus,  the  emperor,  desires  Lavinia 
for  a  wife,  his  brother  Bassianus  steps  in  and  takes  her  upon  the 
ground  of  a  previous  betrothal.  Bassianus  is  assisted  by  the  sons  of 
Titus  in  carrying  out  his  purpose.  Titus,  however,  takes  the  part  of 
the  emperor,  calls  his  sons  traitors,  and  attempts  to  bring  Lavinia 
back  to  the  king  by  force.  When  he  is  opposed  by  his  son  Mutius,  he 
kills  and  disowns  him.  He  even  refuses  to  allow  IMutius  to  be  buried 
with  his  brethren,  and  his  speeches  show  how  base  he  considers  dis- 
obedience to  the  emperor. 

In  Gothland  the  old  duke  remains  loyal  to  the  king  at  the  cost 
of  his  son's  life.  Theodor,  contrary  to  the  decree  of  the  king,  kills 
his  brother  Friedrich.  The  king  then  demands  the  life  of  Theodor. 
The  old  duke,  torn  by  love  for  Theodor,  at  first  hesitates,  but  later  he 
stands  with  the  king  against  his  son. 

Der  alte  Gothland:    Weh',  iiber  mich!  Es  ist  mein  Sohn,  den  ihr 
Verfolgen  wollt,  imd  dennoch  strecke  ich 
Die  Hande  iiber  euch,  ihr  Racher,  aus 
Und  segne  euch ! 

Later  he  attempts  the  life  of  Theodor,  and  finally  he  offers  a  re- 
ward for  news  of  his  death.  One  cannot  fail  to  perceive  the  great 
loyalty  which  exists  in  the  two  men.  Honor  and  loyalty  stand 
above  everything  else  to  them. 


36 

Both  men  present  similar  characters  throughout  the  plays.  Both 
have  been  afflicted  with  great  griefs  and  sufferings.  As  a  result  of 
these  sufferings  both  men  wander  through  the  plays  an  object  of  pity 
to  all  with  whom  they  come  in  contact.  Both  are  presented  to  us 
without  wives.  Their  sons  have  been  lost  to  them  in  similar  manner. 
Mutius  is  killed  before  Aaron  begins  his  revenge,  Quintus  and  Martins 
are  killed  through  the  revenge  of  Aaron,  and  Lucius  is  banished  be- 
cause of  this  same  revenge.  A  similar  fate  meets  the  sons  of  the  old 
duke.  Manfred  dies  before  Berdoa  begins  his  revenge,  Friedrieh  dies 
through  the  revenge  of  the  Moor,  and  Theodor  is  banished  by  the  same 
revenge.  Thus  the  old  men  are  left  practically  alone.  Their  laments 
and  pleadings  present  to  us  similar  pictures,  two  old  men  alone,  and 
suffering  great  griefs  through  the  revenge  of  the  Moors.  Finally  both 
come  down  to  death  demented  by  their  griefs. 

It  has  been  shown  how  the  revenge  of  the  two  Moors  worked  along 
the  same  line.  There  is  another  part  of  the  revenge  which  is  similar, 
Titus  has  a  daughter,  Lavinia,  who  is  raped  and  mutilated  by  the 
sons  of  Tamora  at  the  instigation  of  Aaron.  Seduction  as  a  part  of  the 
revenge  is  also  brought  into  the  Gothland.  Theodor  in  Gothland  has 
a  son  whom  Berdoa  seduces  as  part  of  his  revenge.  At  first  glance  this 
may  not  seem  parallel  to  the  seduction  of  a  girl;  however,  Grabbe 
took  a  youth  who  was  innocent  and  pure  and  seduced  him  as  clearly 
as  any  maid  was  ever  seduced.  Grabbe  makes  clear  that  it  is  a  seduc- 
tion he  wishes  to  portray.  He  presents  to  us  an  innocent  youth  in  love 
with  a  pure  girl.  Into  the  mouth  of  Berdoa  he  puts  the  statement 
that  he  will  seduce  him ;  he  has  Berdoa  hunt  out  the  girl  whom  he  has 
planned  should  entice  the  boy;  he  dresses  the  girl  in  an  enticing 
manner ;  in  fact  everything  is  done  to  impress  upon  the  reader  that  the 
boy  is  to  be  seduced.* 

A  statement  of  Grabbe  substantiates  what  I  have  attempted  to  set 
forth  in  regard  to  the  seduction  of  Gustav,  and  shows  that  he  intended 
to  make  an  important  character  of  Gustav.  In  a  letter  to  Kettembeil 
dated  July  12,  1827,  he  says,  "Die  Zoten  sind  in  den  Gesprachen 
zwischen  Berdoa  und  Gustav  (der  ein  Hauptcharakter  ist)  am 
nothigsten.  "t 

*See  Blumenthal,  Vol.  1,  pages  181-185,  222,  234,  a  speech  of  Erik  271,  and 
304. 

fSee  Blumenthal  Grabbes  Werke,  Vol.  IV,  page  395. 


CHAPTER  FOUR. 


MARros  AND  Sulla,  Shakspearo-Manie,  Die  Hohenstaufen, 
AND  Hannibal. 


For  the  majority  of  his  subjects  Grabbe  went  into  the  realm  of 
Shakespeare,  indeed  Shakespeare  seems  to  have  been  his  reference 
book.  In  his  Gothland,  as  has  been  shown,  Shakespeare  furnished  the 
suggestion  by  his  Titus  Andro7iicus,  a  drama  full  of  horrors,  and  its 
Moor.  In  Scherz,  Satire,  Ironte  und  tie  fere  Bedeutung  Grabbe  had 
in  mind  the  affairs  of  his  own  day  for  which  we  do  not  give  Shakes- 
peare the  credit.  In  Marius  und  Sulla,  which  was  written  during 
the  same  period  as  the  two  just  mentioned,  we  have  a  drama  dealing 
with  Roman  history,  a  theme  which  Shakespeare  treated  in  Corio- 
lanus,  Jidius  Caesar  and  Antony  and  Cleopatra.  This  fact  in  itself 
may  not  indicate  much,  but  when  we  consider  how  many  of  Grabbe 's 
dramas  are  paralleled  by  dramas  of  Shakespeare,  that  is  dealing  with 
similar  situations,  it  forms  a  link  in  the  chain  of  Grabbe 's  indebtedness 
to  Shakespeare.  The  presentation  which  I  am  about  to  make  will  at 
least  give  Shakespeare  credit  for  the  suggestion  of  the  subject,  if  no 
greater  credit.  The  reference  here  is  to  the  situations  and  characters 
of  Coriolanus,  which  Grabbe 's  Marius  und  Sulla  very  much  resembles 
in  general  outline  and  particular  situations. 

Coriolanus  is  a  character  which  presents  to  the  reader  two  different 
types  of  men,  the  one,  a  great  soldier  full  of  courage  and  firmness  of 
mind,  the  other,  a  proud  and  obstinate  personage.  He  lived  at  a  time 
when  Rome  was  disturbed  by  civil  troubles.  The  common  people  had 
risen  against  the  senate,  claiming  that  they  were  oppressed  for  the 
advantage  of  the  rich.  The  drama  opens  with  the  common  people 
demanding  corn  at  their  own  price.  Throughout  the  piece  they  are 
represented  by  two  evil  tribunes  who  constantly  arouse  the  people 
against  the  senate,  and  particularly  against  Coriolanus.  The  tribunes 
do  not  act  in  good  faith,  but  are  treacherous  and  deceitful.  The  people 
are  silenced  at  first  by  the  argument  of  Menenius.  At  this  time  news 
is  brought  that  the  Volsces  are  in  arms.  Coriolanus,  Cominius  and 
Lartius  go  against  them,  and  through  the  great  bravery  and  valor 

37 


38 

of  Coriolanus  the  Volsces  are  defeated.  IVIarcus  comes  home  and 
stands  for  the  consulship.  Through  the  machinations  of  the  two  evil 
tribunes  he  is  banished  from  Rome  because  of  his  pride  and  rough- 
ness to  the  people.  He  now  seeks  his  old  enemy,  the  Volsces,  and 
joins  with  them  against  his  own  people.  The  Romans  are  terror 
stricken  and  plead  with  Coriolanus  to  return  to  them.  He  refuses, 
but  finally  yields  to  the  entreaties  of  his  mother,  who  accompanied  by 
his  wife  and  children,  has  come  to  plead  with  him.  For  his  yielding 
he  later  suffers  death  at  the  hands  of  the  Volsces. 

Marius  and  Sulla  present  to  us  two  characters  representing  the 
two  different  natures  of  Coriolanus.  Marius  is  the  proud  and  arrogant 
one  who  has  been  driven  from  Rome,  Sulla  is  the  great  soldier  who 
possesses  the  bravery  and  courage  of  Coriolanus.  The  conditions  in 
Rome  are  similar  to  the  conditions  in  Shakespeare's  drama.  Almost 
half  of  the  completed  part  of  the  drama  is  consumed  in  presenting  to 
us  a  situation  almost  identical  with  the  uprising  of  the  people  against 
the  senate  in  Coriolanus.  We  know  that  Grabbe  considered  the  folk- 
scenes  of  Coriolanus  and  criticized  them.  He  may  have  been  attempt- 
ing to  surpass  Coriolanus  in  the  folkseenes  of  Marius  und  Sulla,  just 
as  he  thought  to  rival  Shakespeare  in  his  Hohenstaufen  Dramas.  The 
passage  relating  to  the  folkseenes  of  Coriolanus  is  as  follows : 

"Dagegen  erscheinen  im  Coriolan  die  Romer  als  wahrer  "elen- 
der,  kindischer  Pobel,"  mit  Fleiss  und  Liebe  dazu  ausstaffirt.  Nie 
scheint  Shakespeare  begriffen  zu  haben,  was  zur  Zeit  Coriolans  der 
Kampf  der  Patricier  und  Plebejer  sagen  woUte,  wie  dieser  Kampf 
aus  der  aussersten  Nothwendigkeit,  aus  dem  innersten  Leben  sich  ent- 
wickelte.  Eine  Lektiire  Niebuhrs  wird  das  shakspearische  Drama  in 
dieser  Hinsicht  dem  Leser  unertraglich  machen,  und  ich  bemerke  nur 
beilaufig,  dass  aus  dem  Coriolan  und  mehreren  anderen  Stiicken 
mir  hervorzugehen  scheint,  dass  Shakespeare  einen  fast  aristokrati- 
schen  Sinn  gehegt  babe."* 

"Sulla  ist  Fragment,  nur  von  AVenigen  (aber  vielleicht  grade  von 
den  Tiichtigsten),  dessen  Ende  zu  ahnen,  Volksscenen  von  einem  Phi- 
lologen  gar  nicht  zu  schatzen." — t 

Grabbe  pictures  the  people  in  a  state  of  revolt  against  the  senate, 
demanding  from  it  grain.  There  is  the  same  feeling  against  the  senate 
and  the  members  of  the  wealthy  class  that  we  find  in  Coriolanus.  The 
two  tribunes  are  men  of  the  same  type  as  Shakespeare's  tribunes. 

*See  Blumenthal  Grabbes  Werle,  Vol.  IV,  page  159. 

fBlumenthal  Grabbes  Werke,  Vol.  lA^,  page  398.     Letter  to  Kettembeil. 


39 

They  incite  the  people  against  the  senate  and  at  the  same  time  play- 
false  to  both  the  senate  and  the  people.  In  both  dramas  we  see  them 
inciting  the  people,  whom  they  use  as  tools  to  further  their  own 
schemes,  and  trying  to  present  themselves  to  the  senate  as  not  respon- 
sible for  the  attitude  of  the  people.  In  the  first  outbreak  of  the 
people  against  the  senate  in  Coriolamis  the  crowd  is  quieted  by  the 
logic  of  Menenius  and  Coriolanus,  at  the  close  of  whose  speeches  a 
messenger  announces  that  the  Volsces  are  in  arms.  In  Marius  und 
Sulla,  when  the  first  trouble  arises  between  the  tribunes  and  the  senate, 
Octavius  attempts  to  quiet  the  tribunes  by  reason.  At  the  close  of  his 
speech  a  messenger  arrives  who  announces  that  the  Samnites  have 
joined  themselves  with  Marius  and  that  the  Army  of  Rome  is  crushed. 
In  Coriolanus  the  second  outbreak  of  the  people  has  been  caused 
by  the  tribunes.  This  Coriolanus  and  the  senators  put  down  by  force, 
for  the  time  being.  In  Marius  und  Sulla  the  first  outbreak  is  con- 
tinued by  the  tribimes.  It  is  put  down  for  the  time  being  by  the 
troops  which  the  Senate  has  called  out.  During  these  outbreaks  a 
similar  incident  occurs  in  both  dramas. 

Briitus. — Lay  hands  upon  him  and  bear  him  to  the  rock.  [Later 
this  rock  is  referred  to  as  the  Tarpeian  rock.] 

Crassus  der  Sohn — Reisst  ihn  zum  tarpej  'schen  Felsen ! 

The  common  people  are  finally  the  victors  and  Coriolanus  is  ban- 
ished. In  Marius  and  Sulla  the  common  people,  by  uniting  them- 
selves to  Marius,  become  the  victors,  and  the  principal  members  of  the 
senate  are  either  killed  or  expelled  from  Rome. 

In  Marius  we  have  one  side  of  Coriolanus'  nature,  that  which 
shows  pride  and  oppression.  That  side  of  Coriolanus  is  pictured  in 
Marius.  It  was  through  this  that  Coriolanus  was  banished.  Marius, 
likewise,  has  been  banished.  Our  sympathy  is  aroused  by  seeing  these 
two  men  exiled  from  Rome.  It  is  further  aroused  by  seeing  these 
men  inhospitably  met  where  they  hoped  to  find  a  refuge, — Coriolanus 
by  the  servants  of  Aufidius,  and  Marius  by  the  Lictor  of  Sextilius. 
Each,  after  this  treatment,  goes  into  a  compact  with  the  enemies  of 
Rome, — Coriolanus  with  Aufidius,  and  Marius  with  Cinna.  There  is  a 
striking  parallel  in  the  attitude  of  Cinna  and  Aufidius  to  these  two 
men.  Both  Marius  and  Coriolanus  become  very  popular  with  the 
troops,  and  Cinna  and  Aufidius  both  become  jealous  and  regret  hav- 
ing allowed  Marius  and  Coriolanus  to  join  themselves  to  them. 


40 


Aufidius. 
Lieutenant. 


Aufidius. 


Lieutenant. 


Aufidius. 


Do  they  still  fly  to  the  Roman  ? 
I  do  not  know  what  witchcraft 's  in  him,  but 
Your  soldiers  use  him  as  the  grace  'fore  meat, 
Their  talk  at  table,  and  their  thanks  at  end ; 
And  you  are  darken  'd  in  this  action,  sir. 
Even  by  your  own, 

I  cannot  help  it  now. 
Unless,  by  using  means,  I  lame  the  foot 
Of  our  design.    He  bears  himself  more  proudlier. 
Even  to  my  person,  than  I  thought  he  would 
When  first  I  did  embrace  him ;  yet  his  nature 
In  that 's  no  changeling,  and  I  must  excuse 
What  cannot  be  amended. 

Yet  I  wish,  sir, 
(I  mean,  for  your  particular)   you  had  not 
Join'd  in  commission  with  him;  but  either 
Had  borne  the  action  of  yourself,  or  else 
To  him  had  left  it  solely. 
I  understand  thee  well;  and  be  thou  sure, 
When  he  shall  come  to  his  account,  he  knows  not 
What  I  can  urge  against  him.    Though  it  seems, 
And  so  he  thinks,  and  is  no  less  apparent 
To  the  vulgar  eye,  that  he  bears  all  things  fairly, 
And  shows  good  husbandry  for  the  Volscian  state, 
Fights  dragon-like,  and  does  achieve  as  soon 
As  draw  his  sword ;  yet  he  hath  left  undone 
That  which  shall  break  his  neck  or  hazard  mine, 
Whene'er  we  come  to  our  account. 


Sertorius :  Man  vergisst  uns,  Consul !  Wie  gef allt  dir  das  ? 

Cinna:  Ich  wiinschte,  dass  ich  den  Arpinaten  nicht  gerufen  hatte. 

Sertorius:  Mir  ist  es  nicht  wohl  um  die  Seele.     Sulla  und 
Marius!    Das  heisst,  das  Chaos  ist  wieder  da 
und  die  Elemente  streiten  sich  um  ihre  Existenz. 
Cinna:  Es  gehe  wie  es  will,  wir  miissen  iiber  kurz  oder 
lang  dazwischen  treten. 

Sertorius:  So  denke  ich  auch  und  bin  erfreut,  dass  du  mit  mir  iiber- 
einstimmst.  Lass  ims  also  im  Stillen  zusammenhalten 
und  thatig  seyn.  Da  der  Marius  nun  einmal  wie  eine 
Ueberschwemmung  hereingebrochen  ist,  so  kann  er  wenig- 
stens  dienen,  das  Feuer  unseres  Feindes  zu  losehen. 
Cinna:  Heute  Abend,  wenn  die  Lagerwalle  aufgeworfen  sind, 
komme  ich  in  dein  Zelt. 

Sertorius:  Vor  allem  suche  dir  deine  Truppen  zu  verpflichten.  Wir 
konnten  in  Zukunft  leiclit  gezwungen  seyn,  sie  gegen  diese 
sogenannten  Marianer  zu  gebrauehen.     (beide  gehen  ab.) 


41 

In  the  unfinished  part  of  the  drama  Marius  is  presented  to  us  in 
the  same  light,  only  his  actions  become  cruel  and  bloodthirsty.  I  shall 
quote  two  passages  to  show  this : 

"Die  Marianer  breehen  herein,  Marius  an  der  Spitze.  Sein  Sohn 
fast  noch  rachbegieriger  als  er.  Schreckensscenen.  Sertorius  und 
Cinna  suchen  den  losgelassenen  Grimm  des  Marius  zu  dampfen.  Es 
nutzt  ihnen  nichts  und  zeigt  nur,  wie  leer  und  nichtsbedeutend  sie 
gegen  Marius  dastehen.  Satuminus  dreist  auf  Marius  eindrangend, 
ruft  ihm  zu,  er  wiirde  ihm  die  Verstecke  des  Merula,  des  Marc  Anton 
zeigen.  Marius  folgt  ihm.  Saturninus  stachelt  mit  Spott  und  Ernst 
seine  Wuth." 

"Marius  tritt  ein,  Soldaten  und  Volk  hinter  ihm.  Freudig  sieht 
er  den  IMerula  da  legen  und  wiinscht,  dass  er  die  Bildsaule  gewesen 
ware,  welehe  mit  dem  Blut  des  Oberpriesters  bespritzt  ist.  Biirger 
nahen  zitternd  und  legen  dem  Marius  als  einer  Gottheit  die  gesiihnt 
werden  muss,  Opferstiicke  vor  die  Fiisse.  Marius  empfangt  sie  im 
Angesichte  des  Jupiter  Stator.  Diese  Stunde  scheint  ihm  die  gliick- 
lichste  und  grosste  seines  Lebens  zu  seyn.  Er  fiihlt  seine  Brust  zu 
enge,  um  sie  ganz  zu  geniessen. ' ' 

By  death  he  passes  out  of  the  drama  at  the  beginning  of  the 
fourth  act,  and  the  remaining  two  acts  are  intended  by  Grabbe  to  be 
used  in  his  portrayal  of  Sulla. 

In  the  completed  part  of  the  drama  Sulla  does  not  take  a  very 
prominent  part.  From  the  incompleted  part  we  can  see  that  it 
was  in  the  latter  part  of  the  drama  that  Grabbe  intended  to  bring 
out  the  character  of  Sulla.  In  the  Coriolanus  we  have  a  battle  in 
which  Coriolanus  proves  himself  a  great  soldier  and  a  hero.  He  per- 
forms a  heroic  act,  or  rather,  a  foolhardy  act.  When  the  Romans  have 
forced  the  Volsces  within  the  walls  of  Corioli,  Coriolanus  alone  rushes 
into  the  city  with  the  following  cry : 

So,  now  the  gates  are  ope : — Now  prove  good  seconds. 
'Tis  for  the  followers  fortune  widens  them, 
Not  for  the  fliers :  mark  me,  and  do  the  like. 

[He  enters  the  gates  and  is  shut  in.] 

This  deed  of  valor,  and  fear  for  his  safety  cause  the  soldiers  to  enter 
the  city  with  the  following  cry  from  Lartius: 

0,  'tis  Marius !    Let 's  fetch  him  off  or  make  remain  alike. 
[They  fight  and  all  enter  the  city.] 

With  this  cry  the  scene  closes  and  we  learn  in  a  later  scene  that 
this  assault  has  won.    In  Marius  und  Sulla  we  have  a  battle  in  which 


42 

Sulla  proves  himself  a  great  soldier  and  a  hero.  He  performs  a 
heroic  act  which  is  as  foolhardy  as  the  one  which  Coriolanus  per- 
formed. When  the  army  of  Mithridates  attacks  Sulla,  they  use  the 
Sichelwagen.    Sulla  cries: 

So  werf  ich  mich  allein  in  ihren  Weg  — 

Ein  Schuft,  der  nicht  mit  seinem  Feldherrn  umkommt! 

This  act  incites  the  soldiers,  and  fear  for  his  safety  causes  them 
to  rush  upon  the  wagons  with  the  following  cry : 

Tim's  Himmelswillen !   Wendet  die  Gefahr 

Von  seinem  Haupt!    Zerstort  die  Wagen,  eh' 

Sie  ihn  erreichen,  es  mag  kosten,  was 

Es  wolle!  (hinter  ihm  drein). 

With  this  the  scene  is  changed  to  another  part  of  the  battlefield, 
and  later  we  learn  of  Sulla's  victory  through  this  act.  There  are 
several  minor  incidents  connected  with  this  battle  which  were  con- 
nected with  the  battle  in  Coriolanus.  Coriolanus,  before  setting  out 
against  the  Volsees,  speaks  of  their  leader  with  the  following  words : 

They  have  a  leader, 
Tullus  Aufidius,  that  will  put  you  to  't. 

Mithridates,  before  attacking  Sulla,  speaks  of  him  with  the  fol- 
lowing words: 

Sulla  ist  ein  Schlaukopf, 
Seid  auf  der  Hut. 

After  the  battle  Aufidius  speaks  of  Coriolanus  in  the  following 
manner : 

Condition ; — 

I  would  I  were  a  Roman ;  for  I  cannot, 

Being  a  Volsce,  be  that  I  am.    Condition ! 

What  good  condition  can  a  treaty  find 

I '  the  part  that  is  at  mercy  ?    Five  times,  Marcius, 

I  have  fought  with  thee :  so  often  hast  thou  beat  me ; 

And  would 'st  do  so,  I  think,  should  we  encounter 

As  often  as  we  eat. ' ' 

After  the  battle  Mithridates  speaks  of  Sulla  in  the  following 
manner: 

Es  ist  doch  unertraglich,  dass  ein  Kerl 
Wie  dieser  Sulla  nicht  mein  Unterthan  ist, 
Es  macht  mir  Grimm  und  Bauchweh! 

The  battles  in  both  the  dramas  are  closed  in  the  same  manner. 
Neither  brings  about  the  annihilation  of  the  other  army.    Nor  is  the 


43 

affair  closed  by  these  battles.  Hostilities  cease  upon  certain  stipu- 
lated conditions.  Later,  the  Volsces  prepare  for  another  attack  upon 
the  Romans.    "When  Coriolanus  hears  of  it,  he  says : — 

Tullus  Aufidius,  then,  has  made  new  head? 

When  Mithridates  hears  of  Sulla 's  victory  he  says : 

Pah, 
Ein  gutes  Heer  ist  wie  'ne  junge  Schlange ; 
Aus  jedem  Stiick  worin  du  es  zertheilst, 
Erwachst  ein  neues. 

In  Coriolanus  we  have  the  picture  of  Coriolanus'  mother,  wife, 
and  children  imploring  him  to  cease  hostilities  against  Rome.  In 
the  uncompleted  part  of  Marius  und  Sulla  Grabbe  has  worked  out  a 
scene  in  which  a  mother  with  her  children  fall  at  the  feet  of  Sulla  and 
beg  for  safety.  All  the  firmness  and  severity  of  Coriolanus,  previous 
to  his  final  yielding,  are  shown  in  this  short  scene. 

Grabbe  brings  in  another  similarity  in  the  character  of  Metella, 
the  wife  of  Sulla.  The  desire  to  be  a  true  and  noble  Roman  woman 
as  well  as  the  love  for  her  husband,  which  we  see  pictured  in  Shakes- 
peare's Virgilia  and  Volumnia  appears  in  Metella.  Grabbe 's  concep- 
tion of  Metella  is  sho^vn  in  the  following  passages : 

Metella  (die  Gemahlin  Sullas)  und  ihre  Amme  am  Fenster.  Sie 
horen  das  Einbroehen  der  Palaste  und  die  Stimmen  und  Drohungen 
der  suchenden  Marianer.  Ja,  es  dringen  von  den  letzteren  bisweilen 
Einzelne  in  das  Zimmer  und  nur  der  Zufall  errettet  Metella  und  die 
Amme  vor  dem  Auffinden.  Metella  charakterisirt  sich  als  eine  echte 
Romerin  der  damaligen  Zeit ;  sie  ziirnt  gegen  die  Amme  auf  das  Hef- 
tigste,  als  diese  ihr  rath,  ihre  Gestalt  zu  verstellen  und  deshalb  ihr  gol- 
denes  Haar  zu  verkiirzen ;  dabei  aber  immer  begeisterte  Liebe  zu  ihren 
Heroen,  zu  Sulla. 

"Mein  Haar  verkiirzen? 

Die  Freude  Sulla 's  ?     Eher  nimm  mein  Leben ! ' ' 


Metella:  Mein  Gemahl! 

Sulla :  Du  siisse  Freundin !   Welche  Ueberraschung ! 
Metella:  So  bin  ich  hier?  Der  Feindesmeng'  entronnen? 
Noch  hallt  ihr  wiistes  Schreien  um  mich  her 
Und  ihre  Lanzen  blinken  aus  den  Biischen, 
Sulla :  Sey  ruhig,  —  Du 

Bist  in  der  Mitte  meiner  Legionen. 
Metella :  0  Sulla  !   was  hab '  ich  um  dich  gelitten ! 


44 


Grabbe's  plans  for  Sulla  throughout  the  uncompleted  part  show 
that  he  intends  to  make  of  him  a  great  military  hero.  He  gradually 
brings  him  up  to  the  height  of  triumph  and  proclaims  his  greatness 
with  this  sentence:   "Er  ist  der  Herr  der  Welt." 

One  other  coincidence  appears  in  the  two  dramas.  This  is  the  use 
of  homely  fables  to  present  a  situation  to  the  people.  To  quiet  the 
people  Menenius  uses  the  fable  of  the  relation  of  the  stomach  to  the 
other  organs  of  the  body. 


Menenius. 


Second  Citizen. 

Menenius. 


Second  Citizen. 
Menenius. 


There  was  a  time  when  all  the  body 's  members 
Rebelled  against  the  belly ;  thus  accused  it : — 
That  only  like  a  gulf  it  did  remain 
I'  the  midst  of  the  body,  idle  and  unactive, 

Still  cupboarding  the  viand,  never  bearing 
Like  labor  with  the  rest ;  where  th '  other  instruments 

Did  see,  and  hear,  devise,  instruct,  walk,  feel, 
And,  mutually  participate,  did  minister 
Unto  the  appetite,  and  affection  common 
Of  the  whole  body.    The  belly  answered, — 

Note  me  this,  good  friend: 
Your  most  grave  belly  was  deliberate. 
Not  rash  like  his  accusers,  and  thus  answered : — 
"True  is  it,  my  incorporate  friends,"  quoth  he, 
' '  That  I  receive  the  general  food  at  first, 
Which  you  do  live  upon ;  and  fit  it  is, 
Because  I  am  the  storehouse,  and  the  shop 
Of  the  whole  body :  but  if  you  do  remember, 
I  do  send  it  through  the  rivers  of  your  blood, 
Even  to  the  court,  the  heart,  the  senate,  brain; 
And  through  the  ranks  and  offices  of  man: 
The  strongest  nerves  and  small  inferior  veins, 
From  me  receive  that  natural  competency 
Whereby  they  live.    And  though  that  all  at  once, 
You,  my  good  friends,"  this  says  the  belly,  mark 

me, — 
Ay,  sir;  well,  well. 

Though  all  at  once  cannot 
See  what  I  do  deliver  out  to  each. 
Yet  I  can  make  my  audit  up,  that  all 
From  me  do  back  receive  the  flour  of  all 
And  leave  me  but  the  bran. ' '    What  say  you  to  't  ? 
It  was  an  answer.    How  apply  you  this? 
The  senators  of  Rome  are  this  good  belly, 
And  5^ou  the  mutinous  members :  for  example 
Their  counsels,  and  their  cares :  digest  things  rightly 
Touching  the  weal  o'  the  common,  you  shall  find, 


45 

No  public  benefit  which  you  receive, 
But  it  proceeds,  or  comes,  from  them  to  you, 
And  no  way  from  yourselves.    What  do  you  think  ? 
You,  the  great  toe  of  this  assembly? 

Sulla,  to  impress  upon  the  people  his  attitude  towards  them  in  a 
certain  affair,  uses  as  homely  a  fable  as  the  one  found  in  Coriolanus. 

Da  einige  murrende  Stimmen  im  Volke  sich  zu  erheben  wagen, 
spricht  Sulla  es  mit  dieser  Fabel  an :  ein  Ackersmann  riss  sich,  da  er 
von  Ungeziefer  geplagt  wurde,  die  Kleider  ab  und  reinigte  dieselben. 
Da  er  mit  seiner  Arbeit  beschaftigt  war,  fing  es  ihn  an,  von  neuem  zu 
beunruhigen  mid  der  Ackersmann  todtete  zum  zweitenmal  eine  weit 
grossere  Anzahl  von  diesem  beschwerlichen  Ungeziefer  als  er  zum  er- 
stenmal  gethan  hatte.  Es  fing  aber  wiederum  an,  ihn  zum  drittenmal 
zu  plagen ;  da  warf  der  arme  Ackersmann  seine  Kleider  in 's  Feuer 
und  bekam  alles  auf  einmal  vora  Halse.  Diese  Fabel  deutet  auf  euch 
selbst.  Euer  Aufruhr  hat  bisher  nur  wenig  Blut  gekostet.  Nehmt 
euch  in  Acht,  dass  es  euch  alien  nicht  gehe,  wie  dem  Ungeziefer. 

In  Don  Juan  und  Faust,  Napoleon  and  Die  HermannsscJilacht 
Grabbe  did  not  operate  with  the  repertoire  of  Shakespeare.  Lord 
Byron  and  Goethe  were  his  models  for  Don  Juan  und  Faust,  if  indeed, 
he  had  any  models  for  them.  In  Napoleon  he  was  dealing  with  a  po- 
litical event  of  his  own  century.  Die  Hermannsschlacht  treats  of  a 
region  which  was  particularly  dear  to  him.  This  is  set  forth  in  a  letter 
to  his  wife  dated  Diisseldorf,  Jan.  8,  1835.* 

Out  of  the  period  of  the  Don  Juan  arose  his  Shakspearo-3Ianie. 
I  do  not  think  that  this  essay  can  ever  be  used  as  an  argument  against 
Shakespeare  influence  in  Grabbe 's  works.  Grabbe  had  received  his 
inspiration  and  early  training  from  Shakespeare.  Later  he  experi- 
enced to  a  certain  extent  a  revolt  against  Shakespeare ;  perhaps  not  so 
much  of  a  revolt  against  Shakespeare  as  against  Shakespeare  imita- 
tion. He  had  now  reached  a  point  where  he  wanted  to  leave  his  teacher 
and  test  his  owti  ability.  He  desired  to  see  originality  not  only  in  him- 
self but  in  all  German  dramatists.  He  was  enthusiastic  and  ambitious 
for  German  literature.  The  third  division  of  the  essay  shows  this 
clearly.  In  substantiation  of  my  views,  I  quote  several  parts  of  the 
third  division : 

Die  dritte  zu  Anfang  aufgestellte  Frage  heisst :  wohin  wiirde  die 
zur  "fashion"  gewordene  Bewunderimg  und  Nachfolge  Shakespeares 
das  deutsche  Theater  fiihren? 

*See  Blumentha]  Grabbes  Werl'e,  Vol.  IV,  page  491. 


46 

Die  Antwort  ergibt  sich  schon  aus  dein  Vorigen:  blinde  Bewun- 
dermig  eines  grossen  Mannes,  der  gleich  alien  grossen  Mannern  von 
einer  Menge  Fehler  und  Schwachen  nicht  frei  ist,  fiilirt  zur  Nach- 
beterei ;  Nachbeterei  stellt  sich  als  etwas  Unwiirdiges  dar  und  fiihrt 
zu  nichts  Gutem.  Das  Beste,  was  sie  zu  Wege  bringt,  ist  eine  stereo- 
type Manier.  und  die  Manier  hat  stets  das  Eigene  an  sich,  dass  sie 
vorziiglich  in  weiterer  Ausbildung  der  Fehler  des  Vorbildes  sich  ge- 
fallt,  wie  denn  diess  schon  auf  hundert  deutschen  Comodienzetteln 
Shakespearisirender  Poeten  zu  sehen. 

Nachahmung  ist  iiberall  verwerfiich,  und  schickt  sich  nur  fiir 
gedankenlose  Kinder  und  Affen.  Der  Deutsche  fiihlt  das,  er  lasst  sich 
daher  nicht  gerne  Nachahmer  schelten,  und  sucht  fast  immerdar  die 
Nachahmung  durch  Uebertreibung  zu  verstecken.  Audi  diess  ist  bei 
dem  Shakespeare  geschehen. 

Wir  wiinschen  und  hoffen  Dichter,  welche  es  nicht  bei  der  Neben- 
buhlerei  des  Shakespeare  beruhen  lassen,  sondern  indera  sie  alle  Fort- 
schritte  der  Zeit  in  sich  aufnehmen,  ihn  iiberbieten.  Hat  sich  ein  sol- 
ehes  Talent  noch  immer  nicht  gezeigt,  so  ist  das  kein  Beweis,  dass  es 
nicht  noch  kommen  kann,  und  in  mehrerer  Hinsicht  hat  Goethe's  Er- 
scheiniuig  hier  bereits  unsern  Wunsch  erfiillt. 

Mit  Shakespeare,  das  heisst,  durch  Streben  in  dessen  Manier,  er- 
wirbt  sich  kein  Dichter  Originalitat ;  bei  jetzigem  Stande  der  Biihne 
wird  er  beinahe  schon  dadurch  ein  Original,  dass  er  Shakespeares  Feh- 
ler vermeidet. 

Die  Englander  haben  einen  musikalischen  Shakespeare,  ich  meine 
den  Purcell.  Nichtsdestominder  haben  wir  Deutschen  auch  noch  spater 
als  Purcell  die  ersten  und  originellsten  Heroen  der  Tonkimst  unter 
uns  aufstehen  sehen,  einen  Handel,  Gluck,  Haydn,  Mozart,  Beethoven, 
Weber,  —  sollten  wir  in  der  dramatischen  Kunst  nicht  dasselbe  Gliick 
haben  konnen? 

In  this  atittude  no  doubt,  he  gave  himself  the  task  of  producing 
Don  Juan  und  Faust  and  Napoleon.  He  wanted  to  do  something 
great.  He  wanted  to  do  something  which  would  reflect  credit  upon 
German  literature.  In  Don  Juan  und  Faust  he  had  a  subject  which, 
through  Goethe,  has  taken  a  high  place  in  the  literature  of  the  world. 
In  Napoleon  he  had  a  subject  along  which  line  he  thought  the  ten- 
dency of  modern  drama  would  be.  From  the  same  section  of  the 
Shakespeare  essay  I  quote : 

Man  gesteht  es  sich  selten,  aber  wir  wiinschen  im  Grunde  noch 
mehr:  Die  neuere  Zeit  ist  in  Philosophie,  Wissenschaft,  Staatsleben 
(besonders  seit  der  franzosisehen  Revolution)  und  an  Erfahrungen 
aller  Art  viel  weiter  als  das  Shakspearische  Zeitalter  gekommen.* 

*Bluineiithal  Grabbes   WerTce,  Vol.   TV,  page  173. 


47 
Also,  in  a  letter  to  Kettembeil,  we  have  the  following : 

endlich  spukt  mir  eine  Roman  im  Kopfe,  der  in  der  triiben 

Zeit  von  1806  bis  1813  spielt,  und  Vieles  aus  unserem  Staats-  und  Wis- 
senschaftswesen  reflectiren  soil.* 

To  further  show  my  conception  of  Grabbe's  attitude  at  the  time 
he  wrote  the  essay  I  refer  you  to  Blumenthal.t  The  part  to  which 
I  have  referred  is  the  opening  of  the  essay. 

The  first  division  is  a  little  more  than  it  purports  to  be,  for 
Grabbe  allows  part  of  his  argument  to  work  itself  into  his  account  of 
the  admiration  for  Shakespeare  in  Germany.  The  opening  of  the 
second  part  further  shows  the  substantiation  of  my  claim.  The  second 
part  comprises  the  bulk  of  the  essay  and  of  his  criticism  of  Shakes- 
peare. It  is  generally  agreed  that  this  criticism  is  very  superficial 
and  unjust  to  Shakespeare.:]:  Grabbe  is  very  particular  not  to  criticize 
Shakespeare  for  the  use  of  alternation  between  prose  and  verse  and 
shifting  of  the  scene.  ' '  Abwechslung  zwischen  Prosa  und  Vers  ist  im 
Drama  an  der  gehorigen  Stelle  gewiss  nicht  zu  tadeln. "  "  Im  shakes- 
pearischen  Scenenwechsel  liegt  oft  wahre  Poesie,  die  ich  nicht  missen 
mochte. "    In  both  these  points  I  think  Grabbe  followed  Shakespeare. 

That  Grabbe  did  have  Shakespeare's  works  clearly  in  mind  at 
this  period  is  shown  by  an  extract  in  a  letter  to  Tieck.  "Die  Idee 
zu  einem  andern  Faust,  der  mit  dem  Don  Juan  zusammentrifft, 
entwickelt  sich  in  meinem  Gehirnkasten  mehr  und  mehr;  ich  babe 
in  Bezug  auf  dieses  Stiick  dem  heitern  Humor  der  das  Tragische 
im  Hamlet  so  mildernd  durchweht,  fleissig  nachgespiirt."||  This 
shows  that  while  working  on  material  in  subjects  other  than  Shakes- 
peare's Grabbe  had  Shakespeare's  characters,  situations,  and  tech- 
nique before  him.  How  much  more  must  he  have  thought  of  Shakes- 
peare when  he  was  working  in  one  of  Shakespeare's  subjects. 

In  the  Hohenstaufen  dramas  Grabbe  again  entered  the  realm  of 
Shakespeare.  He,  no  doubt,  was  inspired  to  write  his  cycle  of  dramas 
by  the  cycle  of  English  historical  dramas  which  Shakespeare  had 
written.  He  attempted  to  create  a  series  of  dramas  dealing  with  the 
royal  family,  thereby  doing  for  German  history  what  Shakespeare  had 

*Blumeiithal  Grabhes  Werl-e,  Vol.  IV,  page  380. 

■fGraiies  Werle,  Vol.  IV,  page  144. 

|See  F.  Bobertag  "Ch.  D.  Grahbe,  M.  Beer  und  E.  Von  Schenk,"  page  6. 

||See  Blumenthal  Grabhes  Werke,  Vol.  IV,  page  368. 


48 

done  for  English  history.  In  substantiation  of  this  view  I  shall  quote 
several  passages  from  his  letters : 

Das  Grosste  meines  Lebens  werden  aber  doch  noch  einmal  die 
Hohenstaufen.  Sich  und  die  Nation  in  6 — 8  Dramen  zu  verherrlichen. 
Und  welcher  Nationalstoff !  Kein  Volk  hat  einen  auch  nur  etwa 
gleich  grossen.* 

"Bin  ieh  nicht  ein  Bisclien  ein  Saekermenter ?  Den  Sir  Shakes- 
peare wollen  wir  doch  wohl  unterkriegen.  Fiir  sein  bestes  historisehes 
Stiiek  gebe  ich  nicht  einmal  den  Barbarossa."t 

"Mich  f rent's,  dass  der  Barbarossa  Dir  immer  mehr  gefallt.  Ich 
will  ihn  lieber  gemacht  haben  als  den  Gotz  von  B.  nebst  Shakespeares 

sammtlichen  historischen  Stiicken.     Und  sein  Deutschthum Ein 

Nationalwerk  wie  die  Hohenstaufen  soil  Deutschland  noch  nicht  ge- 
habt  haben. "I 

"Karl  der  Grosse  und  die  Sachsen  mit  ihrem  Heidenthum  ware 
ein  gutes  Vorspiel  zu  den  Hohenstaufen,  mehr  als  Shakespeares  Jo- 
hann  ohne  Land  zu  seinen  Heinrichen."|| 

"Ich  glaube  dieses  Stiiek  (Konig  Johann)  ist  als  der  etwas  laut- 
tonende,  aber  wohlberechnete  Prolog  zu  seinem  Dramencyclus  aus  der 
englischen  Geschichte  zu  betrachten,  sowie  sein  Heinrich  VIII,  der 
feine,  sehr  praktisch  belehrende  Epilog  dazu  ist."§ 

It  is  difficult  to  say  to  what  extent  Grabbe  made  use  of  Shakes- 
peare in  his  cycle.  The  cycle  was  written  during  the  period  when 
Grabbe  was  turning  from  Shakespeare  imitation  to  origmality.  Then, 
too,  they  are  founded  upon  history.  It  would  be  rather  a  fine  distinc- 
tion to  say  what  part  of  the  character  is  taken  from  history,  and 
what  part  is  taken  from  Shakespeare,  especially  if  both  the  historical 
and  Shakespearian  characters  are  similar  types.  An  example  of  this 
would  be  Shakespeare's  King  Richard  III  and  Grabbe 's  Kaiser  Hein- 
rich der  Sechste. 

Grabbe  and  Shakespeare  have  chosen  for  their  dramas  the  same 
period  of  history,  the  period  when  the  papacy  played  a  considerable 
role  in  the  affairs  of  Europe.  In  the  beginning  of  Shakespeare 's  cycle 
King  John  is  excommunicated  by  an  ambassador  of  the  Pope.  In  the 
beginning  of  Grabbe 's  cycle  Kaiser  Friedrich  is  excommunicated  by 
an  ambassador  of  the  Pope. 

*See  Blunienthal  Grabbes  Werke,  Vol.  IV,  page  429. 
■j-See  Blumenthal  Grabbes  Werlce,  Vol.  IV,  page  436. 
^See  Blumenthal  Grabbes  Werke,  Vol.  IV,  page  439. 
||See  Blumenthal  Grabbes  Werlce,  Vol.  IV,  page  448. 
§See  Blumenthal  Grabbes  Werlce,  Vol.  IV,  page  221. 


49 

King  John.     "What  earthly  name  to  interrogatories 

Can  task  the  free  breath  of  a  sacred  king? 

Thou  canst  not,  cardinal,  devise  a  name 

So  slight,  unworthy,  and  ridiculous. 

To  charge  me  to  an  answer,  as  the  Pope. 

Tell  him  this  tale ;  and  from  the  mouth  of  England, 

Add  thus  much  more, — that  no  Italian  priest 

Shall  tithe  or  toll  in  our  dominions ; 

But  as  we  under  heaven  are  supreme  head, 

So,  under  him,  that  great  supremacy, 

"Where  we  do  reign,  we  will  alone  uphold, 

Without  th '  assistance  of  a  mortal  hand ; 

So  tell  the  Pope :  all  reverence  set  apart 

To  him,  and  his  usurp  'd  authority. 
Pandulph.      Then,  by  the  lawful  power  that  I  have. 

Thou  shalt  stand  curs'd,  and  excommunicate: 

And  blessed  shall  he  be,  that  doth  revolt 

From  his  allegiance  to  an  heretic ; 

And  meritorious  shall  that  hand  be  call'd. 

Canonized,  and  worshipp'd  as  a  saint. 

That  takes  away  by  any  secret  course 

Thy  hateful  life. 

Kaiser  Friedrich  (zum  Cardinal:)  Meld'  du  dem  Papst,  dass  ich  sein 
Begehr  verweigre,  iiber  seine  Kiibnheit 
Verwundert  bin !  —  "Wenn  ich  mich  wundre,  streb ' 
Ich  auch,  des  Wunderns  Ursach'  zu  vertilgen!  — 
—  Die  rom'sche  Kirche  kiimmert  niclits  mein  Streit 
Mit  den  Lombarden,  und  Mathildens  Erbschaft 
Gehort  dem  Reich,  als  ausgestorb 'nes  Lehn, 
"Verratherei  und  Felonie  war's,  wenn 
Mathilde  wie  ihr  dichtet,  sie  dem  Papst 
Vermacht.    Bei  Gott,  ich  wiirde  noch  im  Grab 
Sie  achten!  —  Und  mein  Lehnsherr?    Er,  der  durch 
Die  Gnade  Constantins  und  Carls  des  Grossen, 
Erblassern  meines  Throns,  sein  bischen  Land 
Erhielt,  damit  er  nicht  trotz  seines  Hochmuths 
"Verhungre  ? 

Cardinal !   Der  Papst  ist  nur 
Mein  erster  Bischof  —  Roma's  Kaiserkrone  prangt 
Auf  meinem  Ilaupt  —  Nicht  lieb'  ich  Kinderspiele  — 
"Was  sie  bedeutet,  will  ich  seyn ! 

Frei  durch  die  Gnade  Gottes 
Ist  Deutschlands  Krone,  und  die  freie  "Wahl 
Der  Deutschen  iibertragt  sie.    Dem  Erzbischof 
"Von  Mainz  gebiihrt  dabei  die  erste  Stimme. 
Dann  kront  der  Erzbischof  von  Coin  den  Konig 
Zu  Aachen  in  der  Cathedrale. 


50 

Die  kaiserliche  Kronimg  aber  muss 
An  ihm  der  Papst  verrichten.  —  Wird  er  dadurch, 
Dass  er  mir  's  Kleid  anlegt,  mein  Herr  ?  —  So  ware 
Der  Knecht  mehr  als  der  Fiirst! 
Cardinal :  leh  spreche 

Den  Bann  in  Christi  Namen  iiber  Dich! 
Verflueht  sey'st  du  an  Leib  und  Seele. 
Verderben  sollst  du  Glied  vor  Glied  —  Die  Holle 
Soil  ewig  an  dir  nagen  und  an  Jedem, 
Der  dir  vertraut  ist,  oder  auch  mit  dir 
Nur  redet ! 

In  both  dramas  peace  is  made  between  the  kings  and  the  popes 
in  order  that  the  kings  may  save  themselves  from  their  enemies,  King 
John  from  France  and  Friedrich  from  the  Italian  cities. 

In  the  second  scene  of  King  Richard  III  the  corpse  of  the  king 
of  the  preceding  drama  is  carried  onto  the  stage  with  the  king's 
daughter-in-law  as  mourner.  Before  the  corpse  a  scene  is  enacted  in 
which  Richard,  who  later  became  king,  and  Anne,  who  later  became 
his  wife,  are  the  principal  characters.  Here  we  see  what  wrongs 
have  been  inflicted  upon  Anne's  family  by  her  future  husband.  The 
character  of  Richard  is  set  forth  in  this  scene.  In  the  second  scene 
of  Konig  Heinrich  der  Sechste  the  corpse  of  the  king  of  the  preceding 
drama  is  carried  onto  the  stage  with  Beatrice,  the  widow,  following 
as  mourner.  Here  a  scene  is  enacted  in  the  presence  of  the  corpse, 
which  shows  the  character  of  Heinrich.  Desire  for  power  and  his 
own  advancement,  with  no  sincere  affection  for  his  wife,  is  shown 
to  be  the  ruling  passion  of  his  life.  In  the  beginning  of  this  scene 
his  wife  pleads  for  her  countrymen  and  shows  the  king  the  wrongs 
he  has  inflicted  upon  them. 

Grabbe  has  interspersed  both  of  the  Hohenstaufen  dramas  with 
peasant  scenes.  The  prose  peasant  scenes  are  inserted  into  the  verse 
of  the  dramas,  and  present  a  Shakespearian  appearance.  The  influ- 
ence here  is  of  a  rather  subtle  character.  I  shall  give  a  peasant 
scene  from  Shakespeare 's  First  Part  of  King  Henry  IV  and  one  from 
Grabbe 's  Kaiser  Friedrich  Barharossa  to  illustrate: — 

First  Carrier. — Heigh  ho!  An't  be  not  four  by  the  day,  I'll  be 
hanged ;  Charles '  wain  is  over  the  new  chimney,  and  yet  our  horse  not 
packed.    What,  ostler! 

Ostler. — Anon,  anon. 

First  Carrier. — I  pr'ythee,  Tom,  beat  Cut's  saddle,  put  a  few 
flacks  in  the  point ;  the  poor  jade  is  wrung  in  the  withers  out  of  all  cess. 


51 

Second  Carrier. — ^Peas  and  beans  are  as  dank  here  as  a  dog,  and 
that  is  the  next  way  to  give  poor  jades  the  bots.  This  house  is  turned 
upsidedown,  since  Robin  ostler  died. 

First  Carrier. — Poor  fellow !  he  never  joyed  since  the  price  of  oats 
rose :  it  was  the  death  of  him. 

Second  Carrier. — I  think,  this  be  the  most  villainous  house  in  all 
London  road  for  fleas :  I  am  stung  like  a  tench. 

First  Carrier. — Like  a  tench  ?  by  the  mass,  there  is  ne  'er  a  king  in 
Christendom  could  be  better  bit,  than  I  have  been  since  the  first  cock. 

Second  Carrier. — Why,  they  will  allow  us  ne'er  a  Jordan,  and 
then  we  leak  in  the  chimney ;  and  your  chamber  lie  breeds  flees  like  a 
loach. 

First  Carrier. — What,  ostler!  come  away  and  be  hanged;  come 
away. 

Second  Carrier. — I  have  a  gammon  of  bacon,  and  two  razes  of 
ginger,  to  be  delivered  as  far  as  Charing-cross. 

First  Carrier. —  'Odsbody!  the  turkeys  in  my  pannier  are  quite 
starved.  What,  ostler !  A  plague  on  thee !  hast  thou  never  an  eye 
in  thy  head  ?  canst  not  hear  ?  An  'twere  not  as  good  a  deed  as  drink, 
to  break  the  pate  of  thee,  I  am  a  very  villain.  Come,  and  be  hanged : 
— hast  no  faith  in  thee? 

Gadsh  ill. — Good  morrow,  carriers.    What 's  o  'clock  ? 
..   First  Carrier. — I  think  it  be  two  o  'clock. 

Gadshill. — I  pr'ythee,  lend  me  thy  lantern,  to  see  my  gelding  in 
the  stable. 

First  Carrier. — Nay,  soft,  I  pray  ye :  I  know  a  trick  worth  two  of 
that,  i'  faith. 

Gadshill. — I  pr  'y thee,  lend  me  thine. 

Second  Carrier. — Ay,  when?  canst  tell?  Lend  me  thy  lantern, 
quoth  a  ? — marry,  I  '11  see  thee  hanged  first. 

Gadshill. — Sirrah  carrier  what  time  do  you  mean  to  come  to 
London  ? 

Second  Carrier. — Time  enough  to  go  to  bed  with  a  candle,  I  war- 
rant thee. — Come,  neighbor  Mugs,  we'll  call  up  the  gentlemen:  they 
will  along  with  company,  for  they  have  great  charge.  [Exeunt  Car- 
riers.] 

Gadshill. — What,  ho!  chamberlain! 

Chamberlain. —  [Within.]     At  hand,  quoth  pick-purse. 

Gadshill. — That's  even,  as  fair  as — at  hand,  quoth  the  chamber- 
lain for  thou  variest  no  more  from  picking  of  purses,  than  giving 
direction  doth  from  labouring;  thou  lay'st  the  plot  how. 

(Landolph  und  Wilhelm  kommen.) 

Wilhelm :    Die  Freude  lacht  dir  ja  aus  dem  Gesicht. 

Landolph :  Ich  habe  endlich  ein  bischen  Hafer  fiir  die  Liese  auf- 
getrieben,  und  sie  knuspert  darin,  dass  sieh  das  Herz  umkehrt  vor  Ver- 
gniigen. 


52 

Wilhelm :  Ja,  es  geht  niclits  iiber  das  Knuspern  von  so  einem 
Pferde.  Ohne  das  kann  icli  nicht  schlafen.  —  Wie  geht's  deinem  eig- 
nen  Magen?    Ich  hungre  verflueht. 

Landolph:  Mein  Magen  ist  leer,  wie  die  Welt  vor  ihrer  Erschaf- 
fung.    Aber  die  Liese  thut  sich  doeh  einmal  giitlich! 

Wilhelm  :  Das  Walschland  ist  ein  miserables  Land.  War'  ich  der 
Kaiser,  ich  nahm's  nicht,  und  schenkte  man  es  mir. 

Landolph:  Hor'  Wilhelm,  dem  Herzoge  sind  die  Heer-  und 
Querziige  auch  nicht  recht.  Seine  Faust  und  seine  Stirn  sind  seit  ein 
paar  Tagen  immer  geballt  und  gefaltet,  wie  Wetterwolken,  die  zu- 
sammenzieh'n,  bevor  sie  sich  entladen.  Und  das  Lowenfell  hangt  ihm 
schief  ura  die  Schulter.  —  Das  Fell  ist  meine  Windfahne.  —  Es 
stiirmt  ihn  wieder  nach  Norden. 

Wilhelm:  Hier  ist's  auch  all  zu  schlecht.     Der  Schinken — 

Landolph :  Da  sprichst  du  wahr  —  Der  Schinken  ist  niedertrach- 
tig!  Schweinezucht  kennt  das  Volk  gar  nicht.  Was  es  da  fette 
Schweine  heisst,  sind  das  nicht  Thiere,  wie  zwei  zusammengenagelte 
Bretter,  worauf  statt  der  Haare  noch  die  Sagespane  sitzen?  Beim 
Geier,  ich  glaube  sie  fiittern  die  Saue  mit  ihren  albernen  Oliven !  — 
—  Wilhelm  bei  ims  an  der  Weser,  da  sind  doch  noch  Saue  zu  Haus ! 
Wetter,  welches  Vieh  lauft  da  auf  alien  Strassen ! 

Wilhelm :  Die  Schinken !  Die  Schinken !  Setzen  sie  mir  da  neu- 
lich  bei  Coma  ein  Ding  vor  so  zahe — ich  meinte,  es  ware  Sohlenleder. 
Man  konnte  Riemen  daraus  schneiden  und  Simson  damit  binden.  Kein 
Fett,  keine  Farbe.  Zuletzt  spiir'  ich,  es  soil  was  zu  essen  seyn.  Ich 
beisse  zu !  Donner,  wie  wurden  mir  die  Zalme  ausgebissen !  —  Das 
nannten  sie  Schinken ! — Den  Augenblick  scharft '  ich  meine  Lanze, 
um  sie  in  der  Schlacht  jedem  Italianer  desto  tiefer  in  die  Brust  zu 
jagen. 

Landolph :  Und,  Wilhelm,  welch  ein  Gemiise !  Savoyerkohl  und 
Fleisch  mit  Syrup  und  Rosinen !  —  Linsen,  Erbsen,  grosse  Bohnen 
und  ein  Stiick  Speck  dazu,  —  das  maclit  Westphalen  und  schafft 
Fauste,  fest  und  gewaltig  wie  meine  und  deine. 

(Er  driickt  Wilhelm  die  Hand.) 

(jr^iso  (kommt)  :  Na,  Sachsen,  was  raisonnirt  ihr  denn  da? 

Landolph:  Nenn'  uns  lieber  Westphalen.  Da  an  der  Elbe,  bei 
Wittenberg  und  Meissen,  sind  so  ein  paar  Herren  aus  unserm  eigent- 
lichen  Sachsen  hingezogen,  haben  richtig  da  etwas  unter'm  Heiden- 
volk  erobert  und  ihre  neuen  Unterthanen  nennen  sie  schon  Sachsen, 
oder  gar  Obersachsen. — Nun,  sind  wir  niedere  Sachsen  (hohnisch)  : 
so  mocht'  ich  denn  doch  einmal  die  Oberen  sehen! 

Wilhelm :  Was  fiir  ein  Jammerland  ist  Italien ! 

Giso:  Gott  straf  mich!    Es  hat  kein  Bier  von  Niirnberg! 

Wilhelm:  Und  keine  Gose  vom  Harze. 

Landolph:  Baier,  ich  kriege  Heimweh,  sell'  ich  die  walschen  Ge- 
siehter  und  Figuren.  Wo  ist  der  Kerl,  der  eine  breite  Brust  hatte 
wie  du?     Wo  einer,  der  mir  bis  an  die  Schulter  ginge?     Und  die 


53 

schandlichen    schwarzlichen    Fratzen    mit    den    Katzenaugen !      Ich 
schwore,  es  sind  nichts  als  Juden. 

Wilhelni:     Und  welche  Spraehe,  Landolph!  —  Kann  man  die 
Schurken  verstehen?  —  1st  das  deiitsch? 
Giso:  s'  ist  kauderwalseh,  Westphale  ! 

Landolph :  Da  kommen  die  lustigen  Scliwaben  —  geraubte  Hiih- 
ner  in  der  Hand.  —  Die  Kerle  konnen  tanzen  und  stehen  doch  auf 
italianisclier  Erde ! 

Ulrich  und  Rudolph  (auftretend). 
Trallala ; 

Die  Hiihner  gefangen ! 
Mailander  gehangen! 
Hoch  lebe  der  Kaiser! 

The  latter  part  of  Grabbe's  life  is  free  from  the  revolt  against 
Shakespeare,  which  for  a  while  showed  itself  in  his  works.  His  work 
in  connection  with  the  Diisseldorf  Theater  shows  high  regard  for 
Shakespeare,  as  well  as  great  appreciation  of  him.  To  what  extent 
Iramermann  influenced  his  views  cannot  be  said.  It  was  during  this 
period  that  Grabbe  completed  Hannibal  and  Aschefihrodel. 

In  Hannibal  Grabbe  is  dealing  with  Roman  history,  a  subject 
from  which  he  drew  the  material  for  his  Marius  und  Sulla.  Here,  how- 
ever, is  not  so  close  an  observance  of  historical  facts  as  we  find  in 
Marius  und  Sulla.  There  is  much  in  Hannibal  which  is  suggestive  of 
Shakespeare's  Antony  and  Cleopatra.  Many  incidents,  as  well  as  the 
setting  and  multiplicity  of  scenes  present  striking  similarities  to  the 
above  named  piece  of  Shakespeare.  Multiplicity  of  scenes  at  first 
glance  may  not  appear  to  be  a  similarity  of  much  weight.  However, 
if  we  read  a  passage  from  Grabbe's  Shakspearo-Manie  in  which  he 
criticizes  Shakespeare  for  his  numerous  changes  of  scene,  the  in- 
consistency between  his  erticism  of  Anthony  and  Cleopatra  and  his 
own  violation  of  unity  of  place  in  a  drama  in  many  respects  similar 
to  the  criticized  one,  may  find  its  explanation  in  an  attempt  to  repro- 
duce a  drama  similar  to  Shakespeare's.  Otherwise  how  are  we  to 
explain  this  flagrant  violation  of  the  rules  of  the  drama  which  in 
another  brought  forth  his  censure  ? 

Aber  den  Scenenwechsel  so  weit  zu  treiben  wie  in  Antonius  und 
Cleopatra,  wo  ohne  Vorbereitung,  Nothwendigkeit  und  Wirkung  (nur 
diese  drei  Stiicke  rechtfertigen  den  Scenenwechsel)  Alexandrien, 
Rom,  Messina  (und  in  diesen  Stadten  wieder  die  verschiedenen  Zim- 
mer  und  Strassen),  Schiffe,  syrische  Ebenen  usw.  usw.  im  selben  Acte 
wiederholt  den  Schauplatz  bilden,  heisst  mit  der  theatralischen  Form 
spielen. 


54 

I  shall  not  attempt  to  go  through  the  two  dramas  scene  by  scene, 
for  both  contain  such  a  multiplicity  of  scenes.  Act  I  of  both  dramas 
contains  five  scenes  each.  Act  II  of  Antony  and  Cleopatra  has  seven, 
while  the  corresponding  act  of  Hannibal  has  only  three.  Act  III  of 
Antony  and  Cleopatra  has  eleven  scenes  and  Act  III  of  Hannibal 
eight.  The  last  two  acts  of  Antony  and  Cleopatra  contain  fifteen 
scenes,  and  the  last  two  acts  of  Hannibal  contain  thirteen,  making  a 
total  of  thirty-eight  scenes  in  Antony  and  Cleopatra  and  twenty-nine 
in  the  Hannibal.  There  is  absolutely  no  unity  of  place  in  either 
drama.  If  Grabbe  had  attempted  to  make  a  drama  with  such  a  mix- 
ture of  scenes  as  Antony  and  Cleopatra  contains,  he  could  not  have 
succeeded  better  than  he  has  in  his  Hannibal. 

What  a  host  of  people  and  events  are  portrayed  in  the  different 
scenes.  There  are  scenes  dealing  with  each  of  the  following:  Roman 
senators,  Roman  generals,  Roman  citizens,  triumvirate  of  Carthage, 
Carthagenian  generals,  despots,  slaves,  messengers,  love  scenes, 
heathen  temples,  market  places,  street  scenes,  dwellings,  palaces,  cities, 
ships,  valleys,  plains,  mountains,  ruins,  camps,  battles,  and  retreats. 
One  familiar  with  Antony  and  Cleopatra  knows  that  such  a  list  is 
present  in  it. 

Antony  and  Cleopatra  opens  in  a  room  in  Cleopatra's  palace. 
There  is  a  conversation  between  Antony  and  Cleopatra;  the  subject 
under  discussion  being  love. 

Cleopatra. — If  it  be  love  indeed,  tell  me  how  much. 

Antony. — There's  beggary  in  the  love  that  can  be  reckon 'd. 

Hannibal  opens  in  a  room  in  the  house  of  Alitta,  with  a  conversa- 
tion between  Brasidas  and  Alitta.  The  scene  is  begun  by  a  conversa- 
tion about  love. 

Brasidas:  Du  liebst  mich? 

Alitta:  Ewiges  Gefrag.  Muss  ich  stiindlich  wiederholen,  was 
man  kaum  sagt,  ohne  die  Tiefe  des  Herzens  zu  entweih'n. 

Both  conversations  represent  the  same  attitude  towards  love. 
There  is  no  answer  to  either  question.  One  is  a  love  that  cannot  be 
measured,  the  other  a  love  of  the  deepest  type. 

From  these  introductory  remarks  the  conversation  turns  to  the 
affairs  of  the  drama,  and  we  are  made  acquainted  somewhat  with  the 
two  situations.  In  Antony  and  Cleopatra  Antony  is  reminded  of 
Rome  and  his  duty  towards  it.  He,  however,  has  his  mind  on  the 
pleasures  of  the  evening. 


55 

Antony. — Tonight  we'll  wander  through  the  streets  and  note 
the  qualities  of  people.'   Come,  my  queen ;  last  night  you  did  desire  it. 

In  the  next  appearance  of  Antony  he  receives  news  from  Rome, 
and  a  little  later,  aroused  by  the  news,  he  returns  to  Rome.  In 
Hannibal  the  conversation  turns  to  Carthage  and  Hannibal.  Brasidas 
wishes  a  pleasant  evening. 

Brasidas:  Lass  uns  die  alten  Abende  erneu'n,  wo  wir  hier  sassen, 
von  Hannibal  sprachen  und  seinen  Siegen. 

He,  however,  is  aroused  by  Alitta's  speech  and  leaves  to  join  his 
general  Hannibal.       , 

Both  these  plays  opened  in  the  East.  Antony  was  living  in  the 
midst  of  festivities  and  dissipation  when  the  drama  opened.  Grabbe 
evidently  wants  to  picture  something  similar,  for  into  the  mouth 
of  Brasidas  he  puts  these  words:  "Ich  schwelgt'  in  Liebe  und  vergass, 
sie  zu  verdienen."  The  oriental  setting  is  given  to  Shakespeare's 
play  by  the  surroundings  in  which  Antony  and  Cleopatra  appear,  by 
the  people  present,  and  by  the  conversation  between  Antony  and 
Cleopatra,  which  is  suggestive  of  oriental  ease  and  pleasure.  An 
oriental  setting  it  given  to  Hannibal  by  the  second  scene  which  repre- 
sents a  market  place  in  Carthage  where  Sclaven,  Gemiise,  Datteln, 
Sago,  Fisch,  Kohl  and  Wirsing  are  offered  for  sale.  An  Ethiopian 
caravan  led  by  a  sheik  of  the  desert  brings  horses,  ostriches  and 
giraffes.  The  entire  setting  is  an  eastern  one  and  really  has  no  con- 
nection with  the  play.  Its  only  purpose  appears  to  be  to  create  a 
setting.  "Why  was  Grabbe  so  eager  to  present  this  picture  of  eastern 
life  to  us? 

In  this  same  scene  appears  a  messenger  who  goes  through  the 
crowd  with  the  cry,  "Bei  Conna  Sieg!  Unermesslicher  Sieg!"  It 
is  in  the  second  scene  of  Antony  and  Cleopatra  that  a  messenger  an- 
nounces to  Antony  the  condition  of  affairs  at  Rome. 

In  the  next  scene  we  learn  that  Carthage  is  in  charge  of  a  trium- 
virate who  plot  against  Hannibal  and  one  another  throughout  the 
play.  We  are  familiar  with  the  triumvirate  of  Antony  and  Cleo- 
patra which  makes  its  appearance  early  in  the  play.  This  triumvirate 
is  not  in  harmony  with  one  another,  but  each  is  eager,  for  his  own 
success  and  to  overthrow  the  others.  In  Hannibal  the  triumvirate 
plot  against  one  another  secretly,  and  the  same  desire  to  stand  first  and 
to  overthrow  the  others  is  present.  In  Antony  and  Cleopatra  the 
triumvirate  dine  on  board  Pompey  's  galley.    At  this  banquet  it  is  sug- 


56 

gested  to  Pompey  that  Menas  be  allowed  to  kill  the  triumvirate,  thus 
placing  Pompey  at  the  head  of  Rome.  In  Hannibal,  while  drinking 
wine  in  Melkir's  palace,  Melkir  places  poisoned  wine  before  the  other 
two  members  of  the  triumvirate. 

Hannibal  is  presented  to  us  away  from  his  home,  pursuing  a 
campaign  against  the  enemy.  Antony  was  sent  to  Egypt  to  conduct  a 
campaign.  However,  both  men  are  presented  to  us  as  inactive  so  far 
as  a  campaign  is  concerned.  "We  see  messengers  bringing  news  from 
their  respective  homes.  Each  is  eager  to  know  what  the  people  at 
home  think  of  him.  Antony:  "Speak  to  me  of  home,  mince  not  the 
general  tongue."  Hannibal:  "Was  sprach  man  von  mir  als  Du 
Carthage  verliessest  ? "  Both  men  return  home  where  they  are 
needed  because  of  threatened  wars.  We  see  both  men  as  great  generals 
having  done  valiant  service  for  their  respective  countries. 

Just  as  the  opening  of  the  two  plays  presented  similar  situations, 
so  the  close  of  the  plays  is  very  similar.  There  is  much  that  is  common 
in  the  close  of  the  two  plays.  Antony  and  Cleopatra  suffer  defeat  at 
the  hands  of  the  Romans.  Hannibal  and  Alitta  suffer  defeat  at  the 
hands  of  the  Romans.  A  servant  brings  word  to  Antony  that  Cleo- 
patra is  dead.  Antony  falls  upon  his  sword  after  his  faithful  friend, 
Eros,  had  killed  himself  in  like  manner.  Cleopatra  is  held  as  a  host- 
age by  Caesar,  she  being  taken  care  of  by  Proculeius  and  Dolabella. 
The  desire  of  Caesar  is  that  she  be  taken  back  to  Rome  a  prisoner. 
She,  however,  outwits  her  keepers  and  together  with  her  servants 
takes  poison.  When  the  guards,  Dolabella  and  Ca?sar  arrive  they  find 
Cleopatra  and  her  servants  dead.  Hannibal,  after  the  defeat,  had 
taken  refuge  with  King  Prusias.  He,  however,  is  really  held  as  a  host- 
age. Alitta  kills  herself  and  sends  word  of  her  death  and  the  de- 
struction of  Carthage  by  a  faithful  messenger.  Hannibal,  upon  hear- 
ing of  her  death  and  the  destruction  of  Carthage,  together  with  the 
servant  who  brought  the  message,  takes  poison  and  dies.  Flamininus, 
King  Prusias  and  followers  arrive  immediately  afterwards  and  find 
Hannibal  and  his  servant  dead.  Here,  as  in  Antony  and  Cleopatra, 
the  desire  had  been  to  take  the  noble  prisoner  back  to  Rome. 


CHAPTER  FIVE. 


A  Comparison  of  Shakespeare's  ''Merchant  of  Venice"  and 
Grabbe's  ''Aschenbrodel." 


This  section  consists  of  a  comparison  of  Shakespeare's  Merchant 
of  Venice  and  Grabbe's  Aschenhrodel.  The  aim  of  this  study  is  to 
show  that  Grabbe  in  his  Aschenhrodel  was  very  much  influenced  by 
the  Merchant  of  Venice.  Not  only  is  the  plot  inspired  by  it  but  the 
arrangement  of  the  scenes  of  Aschenhrodel  is  an  imitation  of  the  ar- 
rangement of  the  scenes  of  the  Merchant  of  Venice. 

In  the  former  we  find  many  passages  which  are  striking  parallels 
to  passages  in  the  latter.  Of  course  the  source  of  the  Aschenhrodel 
theme  is  known  to  all ;  but  it  is  curious  to  note  how  Grabbe  has  turned 
the  Ascheyihrodel  plot  into  a  parallel  of  the  Portia  plot.  There  are  far 
more  similarities  in  it  to  the  Portia  story  than  to  the  old  Aschenhrodel 
story.  There  remains  of  the  latter  theme  only  the  bare  frame-work, 
and  about  this  frame-work  are  woven  many  details  of  the  Portia  story. 

We  shall  first  compare  the  arrangement  of  the  two  plays.  The 
first  scene  of  Act  I  of  the  Merchant  of  Venice  introduces  to  us  An- 
tonio and  Bassanio.  Here  we  learn  that  Bassanio  desires  a  loan  of 
money  to  equip  himself  for  the  purpose  of  wooing  Portia,  a  rich  lady 
of  Belmont.  Antonio  is  without  money  but  offers  to  secure  some  for 
Bassanio.  In  the  latter  part  of  Act  I  Antonio  secures  the  loan  from 
the  Jew  Shylock,  who  takes  a  bond  which  forfeits  the  life  of  Antonio 
if  the  debt  is  not  paid  when  it  comes  due.  In  the  first  scene  of  Act  I 
of  Aschenhrodel  we  meet  the  Baron  von  Fineterra  and  learn  of  his 
financial  condition.  Among  other  creditors  appears  Isaak,  a  Jew,  to 
whom  the  Baron  has  given  a  bond  for  80,000  thaler.  The  debts  of 
the  Baron  appear  to  have  been  incurred  largely  through  his  wife's 
desire  to  marry  her  daughters  well.  So  here  we  have  the  bond  linked 
with  marriage  as  in  the  Merchant  of  Venice. 

The  second  scene  of  Act  I  of  Merchant  of  Venice  is  given  up  en- 
tirely to  Portia  and  Nerissa.  Here  is  set  forth  the  manner  of  the 
wooing  of  Portia.  The  wooer  must  choose  from  three  chests  of  gold, 
silver,  and  lead.    If  he  is  successful  in  his  choosing,  he  secures  Portia 

57 


58 

for  a  wife.  If  he  fails,  he  must  leave  at  once  and  lose  all  chance  of 
winning  her.  Portia  and  Nerissa,  her  maid,  are  engaged  in  conversa- 
tion over  the  choosing  of  the  caskets.  Almost  at  the  close  of  the  con- 
versation Nerissa  says: 

Do  you  not  remember,  lady,  in  your  father's  time  a  Venetian,  a 
scholar  and  a  soldier,  that  came  hither  in  company  of  the  Marquis  of 
Montf  errat  ? 

Portia. — Yes,  yes,  it  was  Bassanio ;  as  I  think,  so  was  he  called. 

Nerissa. — True,  madam;  he  of  all  the  men  that  ever  my  foolish 
eyes  looked  upon,  was  the  best  deserving  a  fair  lady. 

Portia. — I  remember  him  well,  and  I  remember  him  worthy  of  thy 
praise. 

The  second  scene  of  Act  I  of  AscJietibrodel  is  given  up  to  the  king 
and  his  attendants.  Here  the  conversation  turns  on  the  selection  of  a 
wife  for  the  king,  as  in  the  Merchant  of  Venice  the  conversation  was 
about  the  selection  of  a  husband  for  Portia.  The  king,  upon  the  ad- 
vice of  a  former  teacher,  decides  to  go  incognito  into  a  neighboring 
city  and  select  a  wife.  And  towards  the  end  of  the  conversation  we 
have  the  name  of  the  future  wife  of  the  king  brought  in  in  much  the 
same  way  as  the  name  of  the  future  husband  of  Portia  was  brought  in. 

Riipel :  Und  ist  nicht  noch  eine  aus  der  ersten  Ehe  — 
Isaak:  Ja,  Ja,  Olympchen,  Olympia — Auch  unverheirathet. 

(Fiir  sich)  : 

Aschenbrodelchen !  das  Luehsaug'!   Sie  attrapirte  mich  zweimal  als 

ich  besah  und  priifte  das  Silberzeug  des  Barons. 

Konig  (in  sich)  :  —  Olympia !  —  mir  ist  als  ob  der  Name  aus  fer- 

ner  Kindheit  mir  heriiberwehte ! 

The  third  scene  of  Act  I  of  the  Merchant  of  Venice  shows  Bassanio 
securing  the  loan  and  starting  for  Belmont  to  make  a  selection  of  the 
caskets.  There  is  no  third  scene  in  Act  I  of  Aschenhrodel,  but  the 
first  scene  of  Act  II  shows  the  preparation  of  the  baroness  and  her 
daughters  for  the  king's  castle,  where  the  selection  of  a  wife  is  to  be 
made. 

Act  II  and  the  first  scene  of  Act  III  of  the  Merchant  of  Venice 
show  the  choosing  of  the  caskets  by  unsuccessful  suitors  and  the 
elopement  of  Jessica.  The  second  scene  of  Act  II  of  Aschenhrodel 
treats  of  Olympia,  the  baron 's  daughter  by  a  former  marriage,  and  the 
Fairies.  Here  the  most  of  the  matter  introduced  does  not  form  a 
vital  part  of  the  plot. 

Pursuing  our  account  of  the  Merchant  of  Venice  we  see  the 
selection  of  the  caskets  and  the  winning  of  Portia  by  Bassanio,    At  a 


59 

corresponding  place  in  Aschenhrddel  we  have  the  selection  of  Olympia 
by  the  king.  Almost  immediately  following  the  selection  of  the  caskets 
by  Bassanio  is  the  trial  of  Antonio  on  complaint  of  Shylock  because 
Antonio  did  not  meet  the  note  when  it  came  due.  Here  Shylock  wishes 
the  life  of  Antonio  in  order  that  he  may  secure  his  bond.  Shylock 
appears  in  court  with  his  knife  ready  to  cut  a  pound  of  flesh  from 
Antonio.  Portio  is  present  in  disguise  and  by  a  clever  decree  rules 
in  favor  of  Antonio.  Likewise  immediately  following  the  selection 
of  Olympia  by  the  king.  Olympiads  coachman  eats  the  bond  of  Isaak 
and  Isaak  appears  before  the  apparent  king  and  seeks  the  life  of  the 
coachman  in  order  that  he  may  secure  his  bond.  Isaak  is  present 
with  his  knife  and  his  attempts  to  secure  the  coachman  and  kill  him 
are  just  as  strong  as  Shylock 's  attempts  to  secure  the  life  of  Antonio. 
The  case  is  not  decided  at  this  time.  Immediately  following  the 
trial  scene  in  the  Merchant  of  Venice  Portia  disappears.  Immediately 
following  the  scene  where  Isaak  wished  the  life  of  the  coachman 
Olympia  disappears.  Here  the  lovers  are  separated  at  a  similar  place 
in  both  plays. 

In  the  last  act  of  the  Merchant  of  Venice  Portia  and  Bassanio 
are  reunited.  The  thing  which  plays  the  most  important  part  in  their 
reunion  is  a  ring  which  Bassanio  gave  Portia  immediately  after  the 
trial.  The  loss  of  this  ring  signified  according  to  the  original  agree- 
ment when  Portia  gave  it  to  Bassanio,  the  loss  of  Bassanio 's  love. 
Thus  the  ring  was  necessary  for  their  future  union.  And  it  is  through 
the  ring  that  the  full  explanation  of  everything  is  given.  In  the 
last  act  of  Aschenhrodel  the  king  and  Olympia  are  reunited.  The 
thing  which  plays  the  most  important  part  is  a  slipper  which  the 
king  secured  from  Otympia  immediately  after  the  trial  scene  as 
Olympia  was  escaping  from  the  palace.  Without  this  slipper  the 
king  could  not  have  found  Olympia.  By  means  of  this  slipper  Olympia 
and  the  king's  reunion  takes  place  and  a  full  explanation  follows. 

The  plot  of  the  Merchant  of  Venice  is  composed  of  two  distinct 
stories :  that  of  the  bond,  and  that  of  the  casket.  The  plot  of  Aschen- 
hrodel is  likewise  composed  of  two  distinct  stories:  that  of  the  bond 
and  that  of  Aschenhrodel.  Now  I  desire  to  show  that  the  Jew  plot 
of  Aschenhrodel  has  been  taken  from  the  Jew  plot  of  the  Merchant  of 
Venice,  and  that  the  Aschenhrodel  story  has  been  moulded  to  resemble 
the  Portia  plot.  In  the  Merchant  of  Venice  Antonio  is  to  suffer  death 
in  order  that  Shylock  may  secure  his  bond.  In  Aschenhrodel 
Olympia 's  coachman  is  to  suffer  death  in  order  that  Isaak  may  secure 


60 

his  bond.  In  both  cases  the  one  to  suffer  death  received  no  benefit 
from  the  loan.  In  the  Merchant  of  Venice  Bassanio  receives  the 
benefit,  and  in  Aschenhrodel  the  baron  receives  the  benefit.  In  both 
cases  the  loan  is  associated  with  a  marriage.  Bassanio  borrowed  the 
money  to  equip  himself  for  the  wooing  and  his  only  hope  of  returning 
it  was  through  his  marriage  with  Portia.  The  baron,  it  appears,  had 
gone  into  debt  through  his  wife,  who  was  very  eager  to  marry  her 
daughters  well;  and  the  only  hope  of  paying  the  debt  appears  to  rest 
in  the  marrying  of  the  daughters  to  a  rich  man.  When  Isaak  im- 
portunes the  king  for  the  collection  of  the  debt,  Riipel  says :  ' '  Hat 
der  Baron  keine  Schwiegersohne,  die  fiir  ihn  biirgen?  Er  soil  zwei 
schone  Tochter  haben ! ' '  And  this  is  the  only  solution  offered. 
There  is  a  further  similarity  in  that  Antonio  and  the  baron  had  other 
creditors  in  addition  to  Shylock  and  Isaalc.  And  both  seem  to  have 
met  with  utter  destruction  so  far  as  their  financial  interests  were 
concerned.  Antonio's  letter  to  Bassanio  says,  "Sweet  Bassanio,  my 
ships  have  all  miscarried,  my  creditors  grow  cruel,  my  estate  is  very 
low,  my  bond  to  the  Jew  is  forfeit."  Act  III,  scene  I,  also  shows 
Antonio's  complete  financial  destruction. 

The  baron's  condition  is  shown  by  the  following  statement  of  the 
Baron.  "Die  Hypotheken  driicken  gewaltig  darauf, — das  thun  die 
Visiten,  der  Putz,  die  Thee's" — 

The  following  conversation  also  shows  the  same  condition : 

Baronin  (zu  Andreas).  Geh,  (Andreas  ab.)  Hier,  im  Visiten- 
zimmer  wird  geraucht?  Gott,  Gott,  ich  ungliickliche  Frau!  Tochter, 
welch  ein  Mann  !  —  Branch  einmal  dein  Hausrecht.  Schick  den  Hau- 
fen  der  unverschiimten  Glaubiger  im  Vorgemach  aus  dem  Hause. 

Baron:  Sind  die  schon  wieder  da?  Ich  bin  nicht  Schuld  daran, 
ich  babe  sie  nicht  gemacht,  und  ihre  Forderungen  auch  nicht — 

Baronin:  Ich  hoffe,  was  ich  gemacht,  das  machst  Du  mit.  Ich 
muss  wissen,  was  liaushalt,  Kleidimg  — 

Baron:  Das  musst  Du  — 

(Durcli  das  Thiirfenster  blickend). 
Beim  Gewitterhimmel,  da  stehen  sie:  der  Kaufmann,  glatten  Rocks, 
als  wollt'  er  in  'nen  Geldbeutel  schliipfen,  —  die  Putzmacherin,  miui- 
ter  und  frisch,  als  hatte  sie  vorige  Nacht  nur  sechs  Liebhaber  bedient, 
und  da — Schachermachai !  der  hagere  Sohn  von  Zion,  mit  seinen 
Papierchen  und  Wechselchen  !    Der  ist  der  Schlimmste ! 

Finally  the  debt  is  cleared  in  both  cases  through  marriage.  The 
marriage  brings  into  the  plot  two  persons  who  would  not  otherwise 
have  been  interested  in  the  payment  of  the  debt.    In  the  Merchant  of 


61 

Yenice  Portia  clears  the  debt  for  the  friend  of  her  husband.     In 
Aschenhrodel  the  king  pays  the  debt  for  the  father  of  his  wife. 

The  defense  of  the  two  Jews  in  regard  to  their  sharp  practices  is 
identical.  Both  defend  themselves  with  illustrations  from  the  Old 
Testament.    Shylock's  defense  is  as  follows: 

Shylock.    When  Jacob  grazed  his  uncle  Laban  's  sheep, 

This  Jacob  from  our  holy  Abram  was, 

As  his  wise  mother  wrought  in  his  behalf, 

The  third  possessor ;  ay,  he  was  the  third. 
Antonio.  And  what  of  him  ?  did  he  take  interest  ? 
Shylock.     No,  not  take  interest ;  not  as  you  would  say, 

Directly  interest;  mark  w^hat  Jacob  did. 

When  Laban  and  himself  were  compromised 

That  all  the  eanlings  which  were  streaked  and  pied, 

Should  fall  as  Jacob's  hire 

The  skilful  shepherd  pill'd  me  certain  wands. 

And  stuck  them  up  before  the  fulsome  ewes, 

Who,  then  conceiving,  did  in  eaning  time 

Fall  party-coloured  lambs;  and  those  were  Jacob's. 

This  was  a  way  to  thrive  and  he  was  blest; 

The  thrift  is  blessing,  if  men  steal  it  not." 

Isaak's  defense  is  a  most  striking  parallel. 

Isaak :  Ich  habe  studirt  den  grossen  Joseph  in  Egypten,  nicht  den 
unachten,  der  in  der  Oper  Conditerwaaren  aufsetzt,  sondern  den  ach- 
ten  in  der  Historic,  dann  habe  ich  ihn  glossirt  mit  den  Thaten  des 
jetzigen  Vitzkonigs  von  Egypten,  und  dem  was  er  zu  seiner  Provinz 
gestohlen,  und  zuletzt  tief  hineingesehen  in  meinen  eigenen  Geist,  und 
gefunden  Eppes  — 

Riipel:  Hast  Du  gefunden!  Ich  mache  Dich  zum  Baron  und 
gebe  Dir  einen  Orden. 

Isaah :  So  ?  Einen  Orden  ? — Dass  jeder  der  mich  sieht,  sagt : 
Seht,  da  geht  der  Isaak  hin,  und  hat  bekommen  einen  Orden !  Und 
Baron !  Was  habe  ich  davon  ?  Von  meinem  Geschaf t  kam '  ich  leicht 
davon.  —  Herr,  mache  einmal  einen  reichen  Baron  zu  einem  Juden — 
Das  soil  uns  sein  eine  Ehre ! — Hore  nun  meinen  Vorschlag :  Joseph, 
Monarch,  kaufte  sieben  Jahr  alles  Kom  im  Land  auf. 

Kutscher:  Alles  Korn? 

Isaak :  Zuletzt,  im  achten  Jahr,  kam,  wie  zu  erwarten,  endlich 
ein  schlechtes  Jahr,  und  das  war  gut.  Denen,  welchen  er  alles  abge- 
kauft  hatte,  verkaufte  er  es  nun  wieder,  imd  ich  wette,  um  den  drei- 
doppelten  Preis.  —  Und  that  er  nicht  klug? 

Now  let  us  see  the  similarity  between  the  trial  of  Antonio  and 
Isaak's  attempt  to  secure  the  life  of  the  coachman.  In  the  Merchant 
of  Venice  Shylock  has  his  knife  in  open  court  ready  to  kill  Antonio. 


62 

In  Asckenbrodel  Isaak  draws  his  knife  and  attempts  to  kill  the  coach- 
man. Shylock  says  in  Act  III,  scene  III,  "I  will  have  my  bond" 
and  again,  in  Act  IV,  "I  stay  here  on  my  bond"  or  to  take  the 
Schlegel  translation  of  the  Merchant  of  Venice  we  have  Shylock  say- 
ing "Ich  will  den  Schein"  and  "Ich  stehe  hier  auf  meinen  Schein." 
Isaak,  in  Aschenhrodel,  uses  the  exact  words.  In  Act  III,  Isaak  says, 
' '  Ich  stehe  hier  auf  meinen  Schein  !  Ich  will  den  Schein  ! ' '  And  the 
speech  of  Eiipel,  which  follows  immediately  shows  that  Grabbe  inten- 
tionally used  the  words  of  Shylock.  Riipel  says,  ' '  Haltet  den  Shylock 
am  Bart!" 

Now  notice  in  Shylock 's  defense  of  his  act  how  lightly  he  regards 
human  life.  He  defends  his  own  injustice  by  the  example  of  as  great 
an  injustice  of  every-day  occurrence, 

Duke.         How  shalt  thou  hope  for  mercy  rendering  none? 

Shylock.     What  judgment  shall  I  dread,  doing  no  wrong? 
You  have  among  you  many  a  purchased  slave, 
"Which  like  your  asses  and  your  dogs  and  mules. 
You  use  in  abject  and  in  slavish  parts. 
Because  you  bought  them :  shall  I  say  to  you, 
Let  them  be  free,  marry  them  to  your  heirs? 
Why  sweat  they  under  burdens?  let  their  beds 
Be  made  as  soft  as  yours  and  let  their  palates 
Be  seasoned  with  such  viands?    You  will  answer. 
The  slaves  are  ours.    So  do  I  answer  you : 
The  poimd  of  flesh  which  I  demand  of  him. 
Is  dearly  bought;  it  is  mine  and  I  will  have  it. 
If  you  deny  me,  fie  upon  your  law ! 
There  is  no  force  in  the  decrees  of  Venice. 
I  stand  for  judgment :  answer,  shall  I  have  it  ? 

Isaak 's  regard  for  human  life  is  just  as  light. 

Riipel :  Todt  doch  Niemand  um  lumpiges  Geld,  Isaak! 

Isaak:  Lumpig.  Achtzigtausend  Thaler  machen  sich  schwer  zu- 
sammen  und  ein  Mensch  ist  gemacht  sehr  leicht  —  man  kann  einen 
bekommen  um  einen  Pfennig,  oft  gar  umsonst — Mit  80,000  Thaler 
kannst  Du  in  Deinen  Staaten  binnen  einem  Jahre  machen  lassen  eine 
Million  Kinder. 

This  statement  of  Shylock  was  made  to  the  Duke  before  whom 
the  case  was  being  tried.  Isaak 's  statement  was  made  to  Riipel 
to  whom  he  was  appealing  for  the  death  of  the  coachman.  Another 
similarity  of  the  trial  is  that  neither  case  was  settled  before  the 
duke  or  Riipel,  but  both  were  disposed  of  later  before  Portia  and 
the  king   respectively.     And   those   who   decided   the   cases   finally. 


63 

in  a  sense,  had  a  personal  interest  in  the  cases.  Another  similarity  of 
these  scenes  was  that  Portia  in  the  Merchant  of  Venice  appeared  in 
dis^ise  at  the  trial  of  Antonio  and  the  king  in  Aschenhrodel  was 
present  in  disguise  when  Isaak  made  his  demands. 

There  are  several  parallels  in  the  characters  of  the  two  Jews, 
Shylock  and  Isaak.  We  find  Shylock  lacking  in  the  finer  sensibilities 
when  Jessica  elopes.  There  is  no  regret  at  losing  his  daughter.  His 
mourning  is  for  the  money  she  took  with  her.  (For  this,  see  Act 
III,  scene  I.)  Isaak  likewise,  when  he  is  thrown  out  of  the  house  of 
the  baron  does  not  feel  the  insults  that  have  been  heaped  upon 
him.    He  thinks  only  of  the  money  side. 

Isaak :  Auwaih !  Er  bat  mich  geworfen  aus  dem  zweiten  Stock- 
werk  und  ich  babe  nicht  einmal  was  gebrochen  am  Kopf  oder  am 
Beinchen!  Sonst  konnte  ich  ihm  liquidiren  grosse  Schmerzengelder ! 
Au  waih!  Hatte  er  doch  nur  gegossen  den  Nachttopf  iiber  mein 
Haupt,  ich  wollte  ihm  theuer  machen  den  Guss !    Waih,  au  waih ! 

In  the  actions  of  Isaak  while  alone  in  the  house  of  the  baron  we 
see  a  likeness  to  Jessica's  actions  in  her  father's  house.  Jessica  alone 
in  her  father's  house  before  eloping  helped  herself  to  money  and 
jewels  of  her  father,  and  one  of  the  jewels  taken  was  a  very  precious 
one.  Jessica  would  justify  her  act  in  that  she  took  from  her  home 
which  in  a  sense  belonged  to  her.  Isaak  alone  in  the  baron's  house 
takes  many  things  of  the  baron.  Among  the  things  which  he  takes 
is  a  jewel  and  this  jewel  is  a  precious  one.  Isaak  justifies  his  taking 
of  the  Baron 's  property  by  saying :  '  *  Alles  was  ich  bier  sehe  ist  mein 
— ist  er  mir  doch  schuldig  80,000  Thaler!  Nicht  zahlen  will  er,  die 
Gerichte  sind  langsam — Mai!  ich  helfe  mir  selbst!  Hier  Silber,  da 
Shawls — Eingesteckt,  liebes  Isaakchen!" 

There  are  some  interesting  parallels  between  the  double  character 
of  Jessica  as  Jew  and  Christian,  and  the  coachman  as  rat  and  human 
being.  Launcelot  raises  the  question  of  Jessica's  future  life  because 
of  her  double  character. 

Launcelot. — ^Yes,  truly;  for,  look  you,  the  sins  of  the  father  are 
to  be  laid  upon  the  children:  therefore,  I  promise  you,  I  fear  you. 
I  was  always  plain  with  you,  and  so  now  I  speak  my  agitation  of  the 
matter ;  therefore,  be  of  good  cheer,  for  truly  I  think  you  are  damned. 
There  is  but  one  hope  in  it  that  can  do  you  any  good. 

Jessica. — And  what  hope  is  that,  I  pray  thee? 

Launcelot. — Marry,  you  may  partly  hope  that  you  are  not  the 
Jew's  daughter. 

Jessica. — So  the  sins  of  my  mother  should  be  visited  upon  me. 


64 

Launcelot. — Truly,  then  I  fear  you  are  damned  both  by  father 
and  mother ;  thus  when  I  shun  Scylla,  your  father,  I  fall  into  Charyb- 
dis,  your  mother :  well,  you  are  gone  both  ways, 

Jessica. — I  shall  be  saved  by  my  husband;  he  hath  made  me  a 
Christian. 

Launcelot. — Truly,  the  more  to  blame  he :  we  were  Christians  enow 
before ;  e  'en  as  many  as  could  well  live,  one  by  another.  This  making 
of  Christians  will  raise  the  price  of  hogs;  if  we  grow  all  to  be  pork 
eaters,  we  shall  not  shortly  have  a  rasher  on  the  coals  for  money. 

[Enter  Lorenzo.] 

Jessica. — I'll  tell  my  husband,  Launcelot,  what  you  say;  here  he 
comes. 

Lorenzo. — I  shall  grow  jealous  of  you  shortly,  Launcelot. 

Jessica. — Nay,  you  need  not  fear  us,  Lorenzo;  Launcelot  and  I 
are  out.  He  tells  me  flatly,  there  is  no  mercy  for  me  in  Heaven,  be- 
cause I  am  a  Jew's  daughter;  and  he  says,  you  are  no  good  member 
of  the  commonwealth,  for  in  converting  Jews  to  Christians  you  raise 
the  price  of  pork. 

In  Aschenhrodel  the  question  arises  as  to  the  coachman's  future 
life  because  of  his  double  character  as  rat  and  human  being. 

Konigin  der  Feen :  Bleib  ruhig  nur,  was  Du  nun  bist 

Und  lebe  und  stirb  als  frommer  Christ. 

Kutscker:  Viel  lieber  leb'  und  sterb'  ich  auf  dem  Mist! 

Konigin  der  Feen :  Das  Paradies  kannst  du  verschmahen  ? 

Kutscher :  Ich  mag  es  gar  nicht  sehen ! 

—  In  Euren  Himmel  will  ich  nicht,  in  den  Ratten- 
himmel  will  ich  —  dahin,  wo  keine  Menschen,  keine  Katzen,  keine  Fal- 
len, keine  Himde  sind,  insbesondere  keine  Pinscher, — dahin,  wo  ich 
meinen  ermorderten  Vater  wieder  finde,  und  meine  zwolf  Kinder,  die 
ich  ohnlangst  aus  purer  Liebe  gefressen  habe,  und  dort  wieder  zu  essen 
hoffe, — da,  wo  jede  edle  Ratte,  je  mehr  sie  geraubt  hat,  so  mehr  mit 
Roggen,  Speck,  Schinken,  Papier  belohnt  wird, — wo  kein  Gerausch, 
kein  Singsang,  kein  Psalm  uns  aufstort, — wo  der  Rattenkonig  mit 
siebzigtausend  Rattenkopfe  auf  einem  Thron  sitzt,  und  siebzigtausend 
Schwanze 

In  the  passage  quoted  above  from  the  Merchant  of  Venice  there 
also  appears  the  question  of  Jessica  eating  pork  as  a  Christian,  which 
thing  she  could  not  do  as  a  Jewess.  In  Aschenhrodel  the  coachman 
is  confronted  with  the  question  of  his  diet.  Will  he  eat  what  human 
beings  eat  or  will  he  continue  the  diet  of  rats? 

Kutscher:  Trinken!  ich  bin  schrecklich  durstig! 
Baron :  Weissen  oder  rothen  Wein  ? ' ' 
Kutscker :  Wein  ?  Miserable !  —  Wasser  oder  Papier ! 
Baron:  Papier? 


65 

"When  Jessica  elopes  slie  goes  in  the  guise  of  a  boy.    Notice  how 
her  sex  feelings  revolt  against  the  public  appearance  in  the  attire  of  a 
boy.    "We  can  almost  see  her  keeping  in  the  darkness  and  crouching 
close  to  the  buildings. 
Jessica.       Who  are  you?  tell  me,  for  more  certainty, 

Albeit  I  '11  swear  that  I  do  know  your  tongue. 
Lorenzo.     Lorenzo  and  thy  love. 
Jessica.       Lorenzo,  certain ;  and  my  love  indeed. 

For  who  love  I  so  much  ?  and  now  who  knows 

But  you,  Lorenzo,  whether  I  am  yours  ? 
Lorenzo.     Heaven  and  thy  thoughts  are  witness  that  thou  art. 
Jessica.       Here,  catch  this  casket;  it  is  worth  the  pains. 

I  am  glad  it  is  night,  you  do  not  look  on  me, 

For  I  am  much  ashamed  of  my  exchange ; 

But  love  is  blind,  and  lovers  cannot  see 

The  pretty  follies  that  themselves  commit; 

For  if  they  could,  Cupid  himself  would  blush. 

To  see  me  thus  transformed  to  a  boy. 
Lorenzo.     Descend,  for  you  must  be  my  torch  bearer. 
Jessica.       What,  must  I  hold  a  candle  to  my  shame  ? 

They  in  themselves  goodsooth,  are  too,  too  light. 

Why,  it  is  an  office  of  discovery,  love; 

And  I  should  be  obscured. 

When  the  coachman  appears  in  public  his  animal  instincts  make 
him  fear  the  light  and  the  people.    He  has  a  desire  to  run  up  the  wall. 

Kutscher:  (springt  hin  und  her):  Licht!  iiberall  Licht!  Man 
sieht  mich !    Ich  bin  verloren  ! 

Baron: 

Kutscher:  Will  mich  der  Mensch  da  fangen?  Wie  er  glotzt? — 
Holle !  es  ist  der  Baron,  in  dessen  Hause  ich  stahl  und  liebte !  Welch 
Ungliick,  erkennt  er  mich!  Als  ich  noch  Ratte  war,  lief  ich  einmal 
Nachts  iiber  sein  Bett — er  schnarchte,  seine  Frau  traumte,  tiefster 
Friede  unter  ihnen — mein  Laufen  machte  beide  wach,  und  die  Baronin 
fiel  dem  schuldlosen  Mann  in  die  Haare, 

Baron: 

Kutcher :  Ich  krieche  an  der  Wand  hinauf  vor  Angst ! 

I  have  already  shown  how  the  details  of  the  Merchant  of  Venice 
plot  were  worked  into  the  Aschenhrodel  story.  Let  us  see  what  the 
Aschenbrodel  story  offered  to  Grabbe  if  his  desire  was  to  imitate 
Shakespeare.  The  Portia  plot  hinges  on  the  proper  selection  of  one 
of  three  caskets,  Li  the  old  Aschenbrodel  story  which  Grabbe  used 
there  is  to  be  a  selection  by  the  king  from  three  daughters.  In  the 
Merchant  of  Ve^iice  the  chooser  wins  Portia  by  selecting  the  poorest 
of  the  three  caskets.     In  Aschenhroclel  the  king  secures  Aschenbrodel 


66 

by  selecting  the  apparently  poorest  of  the  three  daughters.  And  just 
ag  in  the  Portia  plot  the  choosing  of  the  caskets  is  thrown  open  to 
everyone  who  would  try,  so  in  the  Aschenbrodel  story  every  woman 
had  the  privilege  to  compete  by  trying  on  the  shoe.  It  seems  to  me  that 
it  was  these  points  of  similarity  which  attracted  Grabbe  to  the 
Aschenbrodel  story.  And  especially  since  he  inserted  in  the  Aschen- 
brodel story  so  many  things  from  the  Merchant  of  Venice  which  were 
not  in  the  old  Aschenbrodel  story.  Another  illustration  of  this  can 
be  shown  in  the  following:  Portia  did  not  devise  the  plan  of  the 
choosing  of  the  caskets,  but  simply  carried  out  her  father's  wishes. 
In  Aschenbrodel  the  king  makes  the  selection  of  wives  incognito  at 
the  suggestion  of  Mahan,  his  former  teacher. 

Mahan :  Das  eben  sollst  Du  auch  vermeiden.  —  Lasse 

Aussprengen :  Du  zogst  nach  der  zweiten  Hauptstadt, 
Dort  die  Gemahlin  zu  erwahlen — Selten 
Hast  du  den  Ort  besucht,  er  kennt  Dich  wenig, 
Und  war's  auch  mehr,  der  Schein,  die  Namen  wiirden 
Das  beste  Auge  tauschen, — dort  dann  lasse 
Als  Konig  Deinen  Riipel  figuriren, 
Und  Du  im  einfachen  Gewand  des  Schlossvogts 
Suchst  unter  den  herstromenden  Geschlechtern 
Die  Edle,  die  Dich  lieben  konnte, 
Nicht  als  den  Konig,  sondern  als  den  Mann. 
The  purpose  here  is  for  the  king,  as  a  man,  to  secure  a  true  and 
noble  wife.    Compare  the  latter  part  of  this  speech  with  the  speech  of 
Nerissa. 

Nerissa. — Your  father  was  ever  virtuous,  and  holy  men  at  their 
death  have  good  inspirations;  therefore,  the  lottery  that  he  has  de- 
vised in  these  three  chests  of  gold,  silver,  and  lead — whereof  who 
chooses  his  meaning  chooses  you — will,  no  doubt,  never  be  chosen 
by  any  rightly  but  one  who  shall  rightly  love. 

This  element  of  disguise  to  secure  a  good  wife  is  entirely  absent 
from  the  old  Aschenbrodel  story.  And  likewise  are  absent  the  many 
details  which  I  have  pointed  out  previously  in  this  discussion. 

The  question  may  arise,  where  is  a  character  in  Aschenbrodel 
to  compare  with  the  matchless  Portia.  In  reply,  I  should  say  that 
Olympia  was  as  much  famed  for  her  beauty  and  her  good  deeds  as 
was  Portia.  The  absence  of  a  female  character  in  Aschenbrodel  who 
takes  a  prominent  part  to  compare  with  the  prominent  part  of 
Portia,  can  be  explained  by  the  fact  that  in  all  Grabbe 's  dramas  he  is 
exceedingly  weak  in  his  portrayal  of  female  character.  According 
to  one  of  his  critics  all  his  plays  lack  strong  female  characters. 


67 

In  conclusion  let  me  quote  the  references  to  English  poets  and 
literature  which  appear  in  the  play  to  show  that  at  the  time  Grabbe 
wrote  Aschenhrodel  his  thoughts  were  on  English  literature. 

Baron:  Es  kommt  iiber  mich,  mit  Othello  zu  spreehen  wie  der 
Rabe  iibers  Siechenhaus  — 

Kutscher :  Ja,  Papier,  sind  's  auch  nur  ein  paar  Bande  von  Kenil- 
worth  Oder  dergleichen  — . 

Baron:  Setzen  Sie  sich  zu  mir,  meine  Freunde. 
(Den  Kutscher  Producirend:) 
Sir  Walter  Scott,  esquire. 

Alter  Herr:  Deutschlands  Litteratur  wird  im  Auslande  endlich 
anerkannt?  —  Schiller  durch  Benjamin  Constant,  Goethe  durch 
Carlyle  — . 

Baron :  Hoch  der  Verfasser  Kenilworths  und  des  Walladmor. 

Clorinde:  Ganz  Natur,  bis  auf  die  letzte  Faser — niehts  Phantas- 
tisches  im  Stiick,  wie  bei  Shakespeare  oder  Calderon, — nein  so  wie 
man  es  zu  Hause  hat. 

To  my  mind  these  are  external  evidences  of  the  claims  I  have 
made. 


CHAPTER  SIX. 


Reflection  op  Shakespeare's  Speech  in  Grabbe's  "Works. 


Grabbe's  speech  in  his  early  period  shows  very  plainly  the  effects 
of  his  study  of  Shakespeare.  The  Gothland,  Scherz,  Satire,  Ironie 
und  tiefere  Bedeutung  and  Marius  und  Sulla  are  more  or  less  saturated 
with  it.  In  Don  Juan  und  Faust,  which  follows  these  in  point  of  time, 
it  is  plainly  perceptible  but  not  to  the  extent  which  we  find  it  in  the 
above-named  dramas.  Here  there  appears  to  be  the  beginning  of  a 
revolt  against  Shakespeare  in  Grabbe,  and  this  revolt  can  also  be 
seen  in  his  speech.  In  Friedrich  Barharossa  there  is  still  less  of  it. 
However,  in  Heinrich  VI  there  appears  to  be  a  return,  as  certain 
Shakespearian  characteristics  of  speech  are  very  evident.  This  may 
be  accounted  for  partly  by  the  fact  that  Grabbe  is  here  dealing  with 
a  Shakespearian  subject,  the  historical  drama.  In  the  Napoleon 
there  is  again  a  marked  falling  off.  And  by  the  time  we  come  to  the 
closing  period  of  Grabbe's  life  these  elements  of  his  speech  are 
almost  entirely  absent.  Hannibal,  Die  Hermannsschlacht  and  Aschen- 
brodel  are  written  very  differently  from  the  three  dramas  of  his 
early  period.  The  results  of  this  study  of  his  speech  corroborate  my 
views  in  regard  to  Grabbe's  relation  to  Shakespeare. 

Repetition  of  single  Words. 
Citizen. — Peace,  peace,  peace!  stay,  hold,  peace!     {Coriolanus,  III,  1.) 
Menenius. — Fie,  fie,  fie      *      *      *       (Coriolanus,  III,  1.) 
Volumnia. — 0  son,  son,  son!     *     *     *     (Coriolanus,  III,  2.) 
Volumnia. — *     *     *     Come,  come,  come.     (Coriolanus,  IV,  2.) 
First  and  Second  Servant. — What,  what,   what?     *     *     *     (Corio- 
lanus, IV,  5.) 
All  Conspirators. — Kill,  kill,  kill,  kill  kill  him!     (Coriolanus,  V,  5.) 
Second  Senator. — Weapons!  weapons!  weapons!     (Coriolanus,  III,  1.) 
Thersites. — Lo,  lo,  lo,  lo     *     *     *     (Troilus  and  Cressida,  II,  1.) 
Enobarus. — But  why,  why,  why?     (Antony  and  Cleopatra,  III,  7.) 
Antony. — No,  no,  no,  no,  no.     (Antony  and  Cleopatra,  III,  11.) 
Charmian. — O  madam,  madam,   madam!      (Antony  and   Cleopatra, 
IV,  13.) 

68 


69 

Branca. — O  my  dear  Cassio!     My  sweet  Cassio!     O  Cassio,  Cassio, 

Cassio.     {Othello,  V,  1.) 
Desdemona.—O  Lord,  Lord,  Lord!     {Othello,  V,  2.) 
Titus.— 0,  0,  0!     {Titus  Andronicus,  III,  2.) 
Lear. — 0  Lear,  Lear,  Lear!     {King  Lear,  I,  4.) 
Lear. — Never,  never,  never,  never,  never!     {Lear,  V,  3.) 
Macduff. — 0  horror!  horror!  horror!     {Macheth,  II,  3.) 
Timon. — Rogue,  rogue,  rogue!     {Timon  of  Athens,  IV,  3.) 
Hamlet. — Words,  words,  words.     {Hamlet,  II,  2.) 
Polonius.— What,  ho!  help!  help!  help!     {Hamlet,  III,  4.) 
Ghost. — 0  horrible!    O  horrible!  most  horrible.  .  {Hamlet,  I,  5.) 
Othello. — O  monstrous!  Monstrous!     {Othello,  III,  3.) 
Edmund. —  Well  then, 

Legitimate  Edgar,  I  must  have  your  land; 
Our  father's  love  is  to  the  bastard  Edmund, 
As  to  the  legitimate :  fine  word,  legitimate ! 
Well,  my  legitimate.     *     *     *     Edmund  the  base 
Shall  top  the  legitimate.     *     *     *     {Lear  I,  2.) 


Bossan:  Mir,  mir,  mir!  mir!     (Gothland  III,  1). 

Ushek:  0  Morder!  Teufel!  Teufel (Gothland  III,  1.) 

Gothland:   Still,  still,  still  —  (Gothland  III,  1). 

Berdoa:  Gnade!  Gnade!  Gnade!     (Gothland  V,  5) 
Gothland:  Gib  sie  mir  wieder!  wieder!  wieder!  wieder!     (Goth- 
land V,  5). 

Gustav:  Zu  Hiilfe!  Hiilfe!  Vater,  Vater ....( Gothland  V,  5.) 
Gothland :  Nein  !  nein  !  nein !     (Gothland  IV,  1). 
Usbek:  Entsetzlich!  graulieh,  graulich  (Gothland  V,  2) 
Cdcilia:  O  Theodor!  Mein  Theodor!     (Gothland  IV.  1). 
Berdoa:  Mord!  Mord!  Mord!  (Gothland  IV,  2.) 
Schnlmeister :  0  Schicksal,  Schicksal,  unerflehliehes  Schicksal ! . . 
(Seherz,  Satire,  Ironie  und  tiefere  Bedeutung  III,  1). 

Mollfels.     O  Wonne!  Wonne !  Wonne!     (Seherz,   Satire,  Ironie 
und  tiefere  Bedeutung  III,  1). 

Heinrich  der  Lowe:    Entsetzlich!  —  auf!  Empor!  Empor!  Em- 
por!     (Kaiser  Friedrich  Barbarossa  II,  2). 

Otto:  Meine   Mutter!   Meine   Mutter!         (Kaiser  Heinrich   der 
Sechste  II,  3). 

Elizabeth:  O  Vater!  Vater!  (Kaiser  Heinrich  der  Sechste  II,  4.) 
Herzogin  von  Angoideme:  O  Waff  en,  Waffen,  Waff  en !     (Napo- 
leon II,  4). 

Vorstddter  und  anderes  Volk:  Ha!  Blut!  Blut!  Blut!  Schaut, 
schaut!  schaut,  ....  (Napoleon  III,  1). 


70 

Don  Juan:  Luft!  Luft!  —  O  Worte !  Worte!  ....  (Don  Juan 
nnd  Faust  I,  1). 

Donna  Anna:  Ruft,  ruft,  ruft  ihn!  (Don  Juan  und  Faust  II,  2). 

Yiele:  Flieht!  flieht!  M'ir  sind  unbewaffnet!  ruft  Hiilfe!  Flieht! 
Flieht!     (Marius  und  Sulla  II,  3). 

Leporcllo :  Connexion !  Ja,  Wenn  das  ist !  Connexion  ist  viel ! 
Verstand,  verbrechen,  Recht  sind  gar  nichts.  Lieber  Verstand  ver- 
lieren  als  die  Connexion.     (Don  Juan  und  Faust  IV,  1). 

Repetition  of  short  Sentences. 

Agamemnon. — We  go  wrong;  we  go  wrong.  (T  roil  us  and  Cressida, 
V,  1.) 

Cinna. — I  am  Cinna,  the  poet ;  I  am  Cinna,  the  poet.  (Julius  Caesar, 
HI,  3.) 

Shylock. — I  thank  God !  I  thank  God !  Is  it  true  ?  Is  it  true  ?  (Mer- 
chant of  Venice,  III,  1.) 

Lady  Capulet. — Alack  the  day!  she's  dead,  she's  dead,  she's  dead! 
(Romeo  and  Juliet,  IV,  5.) 

Albany. — O  save  him!  save  him!     (King  Lear,  V,  3.) 

Volumnia. — She  shall,  she  shall.     (Coriolanus,  I,  3.) 

Pandarus. — Sweet  queen,  sweet  queen ;  that 's  a  sweet  queen, — i  faith. 
(Troilus  and  Cressida,  III,  1.) 

Lear. — 0,  let  me  not  be  mad,  not  mad,  sweet  Heaven !  Keep  me  in 
temper:   I  would  not  be  mad. —  (King  Lear,  1,  5.) 

Shylock. — Let  him  look  to  his  bond : — let  him  look  to  his  bond :  *  * 
let  him  look  to  his  bond.     (Merchant  of  Venice,  III,  1.) 

Portia. — I  grant,  I  am  a  woman ;  but  withal  a  woman  that  Lord 
Brutus  took  to  wife.  I  grant  I  am  a  woman,  but  withal  a  woman 
well  reputed,  Cato's  daughter.     (Julius  Caesar,  II,  1.) 

logo. — *  *  *  Put  money  in  thy  purse  *  *  *I  say  put  money 
in  thy  purse  *  *  *  put  money  in  thy  purse  *  *  *  put 
money  in  thy  purse  *  *  put  but  money  in  thy  purse  *  * 
fill  thy  purse  with  money  *  *  *  therefore  put  money  in  thy 
purse.     (Othello,  I,  3.) 


Gothland:   Mich  liebt  ihr  doch  auch?     Ha  Tod  und  Holle! 

Mich  liebt  ihr  doch  auch?     (Gothland  IV,  2). 

Berdoa:  O  gebt  mir  etwas  zu  vernichten,  etwas  zu  vemichten! 
Ja  vemichten!  vernichten!  (Gothland  III,  1). 

Gothland:  Lass  mich  nicht  binden,  Mohr!  Lass  mich  nicht  bin- 
den  !  . . . .  aber  lass  mich  nicht  binden !     (Gothland  Vj  3) . 

Dcr  alte  Gothland:  Blut  aus,  Blut  aus  am  Vaterbusen,  theurer 
Sohn!    Blut  aus,  blut  aus!     (Gothland  II,  2). 


71 

Teufel :  0  das  ist  meine  Grossmutter,  das  ist  meine  Grossmutter. 
(Scherz,  Satire,  Ironie  und  tiefere  Bedeutung  III,  6.) 

Schniid:  O,  o,  wir  Schmide  sind  nicht  dumm,  wir  Schmide  sind 
nicht  dumm.     (Scherz,  Satire,  Ironie  und  tiefere  Bedeutung  III,  1). 

Schulmeister:  Gottliebchen !  Aus  dem  Bette!  Aus  dem  Bette.. 
Aus  dem  Bette !  Aus  dem  Bette . . .  .  ( Scherz,  Satire,  Ironie  und  tiefere 
Bedeutung  III,  1). 

Skiold:  Weh,  Wehe,  mir,  sie  stirbt!  sie  stirbt!     (Gothland  IV,  4). 

Gothland:  O  lass  das  Trosten,  lass  das  Trosten.     (Gothland  I,  2). 

Ephraim:  Ich  bin  es,  ich  bin  es.     (Napoleon  V,  2). 

Ephraim:  Das  ist  nicht  wahr,  ist  nicht  wahr.     (Napoleon  V,  2). 

Frau:  Ja,  Mann,  lass  uns  fliehen,  lass  uns  fliehen.  (Marius  und 
Sulla  I,  1). 

Sulla:  Er  fliegt?  er  fliegt?     (Marius  und  Sulla  I,  4). 

Repetitions  with  slight  modifications  or  additions. 

Nurse. — We  are  undone  lady,  we  are  undone.     (Borneo  and  Juliet, 

III,  2.) 
Nurse. — O  woe!    O  woeful,  woeful,  woeful  day! 
Most  lamented  day,  most  woeful  day, 

(Romeo  and  Juliet,  IV,  5.) 
Emilia — You  told  a  lie;  an  odious  damned  lie; 

Upon  my  soul,  a  lie;  a  wicked  lie — (Othello,  II,  2.) 
Pandarus. — To  do  what?  to  do  what? — let  her  say  what: — ^what  have 

I  brought  you  to  do.     (Troilus  and  Creisida,  IV  2). 
Thersites. — I  am  a  bastard  too.    I  love  bastards ;  I  am  a  bastard  begot, 
bastard  instructed,  bastard  in  mind,  bastard  in  valor,  in  every- 
thing illegitimate.     (Troilus  and  Cressida,  V,  8.) 
Gloster. — She  may.  Lord  Rivers, — ^Why,  who  knows  not  so? 
She  may  do  more,  sir,  than  denying  that : 

She  may  help  you  to  many  fair  preferments. 

******* 

What  may  she  not  ?    She  may, — ay,  marry,  may  she. 

(King  Richard  III,  I,  3.) 
Third  Citizen. — I  thank  you  for  your  voices, — thank  you — 

Your  most  sweet  voices.    Now  you  have  left  your  voices 
I  have  no  further  with  you."     (Coriolanus,  II,  3.) 


Gothland:  Lass,  lass  mich!  Todter  lass  mich.     (Gothland  IV,  1). 

Wernthal :  Bei  Gott,  dass  sind  ja  lauter  Damenschriftsteller,  lau- 
ter  geschatzte  Damenschriftsteller.  ( Scherz,  Satire,  Ironie  und  tiefere 
Bedeutung  I,  3). 


72 

Battengift :  Ich  bin  ein  Wurm,  ich  bin  ein  armlicher  Tropf ! . . 
Ich  bin  ein  Wurm,  ein  winziger  Wurm ! 
(Scherz,  Satire,  Ironie  und  tiefere  Bedeutung  III,  1). 
Gothland:  'Ne  schone  Stunde! 

'Ne  schone  Hure !   Mehr  war  es 
Dir  nieht?  Also  'ne  schone  Stunde  nur?     (Gothland  II,  1). 

Teufel :  ....  Ich  bin  zwar  geme  verdammt,  bin  zwar  gerne  f ilzig, 
rasend  gerne  filzig,  bin  aber  noch  lange  nicht  filzig  genug!  (Scherz, 
Satire,  Ironie  und  tiefere  Bedeutung  II,  1). 

Teufel :  'Sist  kalt  —  kalt  —  in  der  Holle  ist 's  warmer !  Satiri- 
sche  Grossmutter  hat  mir  zwar  sieben  Pelzhemdchen,  sieben  Pelzman- 
telchen  und  sieben  Pelzmiitzchen  angezogen  —  aber  's  ist  kalt,  —  kalt 
—  Hoi '  mich  Gott,  es  ist  sehr  kalt !  ( Scherz,  Satire,  Ironie  und  tiefere 
Bedeutung  I,  2). 

Repetition  in  Dialogue. 
Othello. — Thy  husband  knew  it  all. 
Emilia. — My  husband? 
Othello.— Thy  husband.     (Othello,  V,  2.) 
Othello. — Is  he  not  honest? 
lago. — Honest,  my  lord? 
Othello. — Ay,  honest.     (Othello,  III,  3.) 
Othello.— WhSit  dost  thou  think? 
lago. — Think,  my  lord? 

Othello.— Think,  my  lord!     (Othello,  III,  3.) 
Queen. — Thou  know'st  'tis  common.     *     *     * 
Hamlet. — Ay,  madam,  it  is  common.     *     *     *     (Hamlet  I,  2.) 
Coriolanus. — Under  the  canopy. 

Third  Servant. — Under  the  canopy?     (Coriolanus,  IV,  5.) 
Coriolanus. — I'  the  city  of  kites  and  crows. 

Third  Servant. — I'  the  city  of  kites  and  crows?     (Coriolanus,  IV,  5.) 
Oswald. — My  lady's  father. 

Lear. — My  lady's  father?     *     *     *     (Lear  I,  4.) 
Queen. — Hamlet,  two  hast  thy  father  much  offended. 
Hamlet. — Mother,   you  have   my   father   much  offended.      (Hamlet 

III,  4,) 


Rolf :   ....  auf  das  Grausamste  ermordet ! 
Gothland:  Ward  ermordet! 

Bolf :  Er  ward  gesehlachtet ! 
Gothland:  Ward  gesehlachtet;     (Gothland  I,  3). 
Gothland : . . . .  durch  die  Luftregionen  heult  es  ohne  Sinn ! 

Erik:  Ohne  Sinn! 
Gothland:  Ohne  Sinn!     (Gothland  III,  1). 


73 

Gothland:  Habt  ihr  getraumt? 

Arhoga:  leh  traume  nie. 
Gothland:  Du  traumst  nie?     (Gothland  IV,1). 

Berdoa :  Ein  Einf altspinsel,  der  sie  glauben  kann ! 
Gothland:  Ein  Einf  altspinsel,  der  sie  glauben  kann !  (Gothland  IV,  1). 
Irnak :   . . . .  er  hat  sicli  sehr  verandert. 
Berdoa:  Ja,  er  hat  sich  sehr  verandert.     (Gothland  IV,  1). 
Konig  Heinrich:  Ertrank! 

Hohenzollern:  Ertrank!     (Kaiser  Friedrieh  der  Seschste  I,  2). 
Kaiser  Friedrieh :  0  Grimm  und  Zorn ! 
Heinrich  der  Lowe:  Jr,  Grimm  und  Zorn  und  Gefecht. 

(Kaiser  Friedrieh  Barbarossa  V,  1). 
Faust :   .  . .  .  Todt  ist  er ! 
Donna  Anna:  Todt!  (Don  Juan  und  Faust  III,  2). 

Teufel:  Nicht  immer:  Wenn  ich  in  einem  wolileingeheizten  Of  en 
sitze,  nicht! 

Ziveiter  Naturhistoriker:  "VVie?  Sie  setzen  sich  in  einen  wohlein- 
geheizten  Of  en?     (Scherz,  Satire,  Ironie  und  tiefere  Bedeutung  I,  3). 
Schniid :  Es  macht  einen  Gulden. 

Teufel:  Einen  Gulden?     (Scherz,  Satire,  Ironie  und  tiefere  Be- 
deutung I,  4). 

Berdoa :  Freund,  hier  ist  Geld. 

Rolf :  Geld  ?     ( Gothland  1,2). 

Berdoa:    Ja,  der  Herzog  Gothland  war  es! 

Holm :  Ja,  der  war  es.     ( Gothland  I,  1 ) . 

Wehrfried :  SoUte  der  Lowe  nicht  ausbleiben  ? 

Christoph:  Ausbleiben.     (Kaiser  Friedrieh  der  Secliste  II,  3), 

Don  Juan :  Woher  kennst  du  ihren  Namen  ? 

Leporello:  Ihren  Namen?     (Don  Juan  und  Faust  I,  1.) 

Don  Juan :  Meinst  Du  die  Anna  ? 

Faust:  Die  Anna!     (Don  Juan  und  Faust  IV,  4). 

Heinrich  der  Loive :   ....  Du  maehtest  zu  gross ! 

Kaiser  Friedrieh:  Zu  gross?     (Kaiser  Friedrieh  Barbarossa  I,  2) 

Heinrich  der  Lowe:  Halt  mein  Kaiser,  gnadig! 

Schone  und  bedenke ! 
Kaiser  Friedrieh:  Bedenken.  (Kaiser  Friedrieh  Barbarossa  I,  2). 
Beginning  of  consecutive  lines  with  the  same  zvords. 
Warwick. — Nor  how  to  be  contented  with  one  wife. 
Nor  how  to  use  your  brothers  brotherly. 
Nor  how  to  study  for  the  people's  welfare, 
Nor  how  to  shroud  yourself  from  enemies  ? 

(Third  Part  of  King  Henry  VI,  IV,  3.) 
Demetrius. — She  is  a  woman,  therefore  may  be  woo'd; 
She  is  a  woman,  therefore  may  be  won ; 
She  is  Lavinia,  therefore  must  be  loved. 

(Titus  Andronicus,  II,  1.) 


74 

Aaron. — And  tell  them  both  the  circumstance  of  all; 

And  how  by  this  their  child  shall  be  advanc'd, 
And  be  received  for  the  emperor's  heir, 
And  substituted  in  the  place  of  mine.     *     *     * 

(Tikis  Andronicus,  IV,  2.) 
Constance. — Thou  little  valiant,  great  in  villainy, 

Thou  ever  strong  upon  the  stronger  side ! 
Thou  fortune's  champion,  thou  dost  never  fight. 

(King  John,  III,  1.) 
King  Richard. — My  gorgeous  palace  for  a  hermitage, 

My  gay  apparel  for  an  alms-man's  gown. 
My  figur  'd  goblets  for  a  dish  of  wood, 
My  sceptre  for  a  palmer's  walking  staff, 
My  subjects  for  a  pair  of  carved  saints. 

(King  Richard  II,  III,  3.) 
Gothland :  Du  warst  vereinet  mit  dem  Brudermorder, 

Du  hast  gefrevelt,  weil  Du  ihm  nicht  wehrtest, 

Du  hast  gefrevelt  weil  Du  ihm  geholfen. 

Du  hast  gefrevelt,  weil  Du  es  so  laug  verschwiegst. 

(Gothland  I,  3). 
Gothland:  Ich  glaube,  dass  es  Panther  gibt, 
Ich  glaube,  dass  es  Baren  gibt, 
Ich  glaube,  dass  die  Klappersehlange  giftig  ist. 

(Gothland  III,  1). 
Gothland:  Deshalb  sind  unsere  Glieder  so  gebrechlich, 
Deshalb  sind  wir  so  fasernackt  geboren! 

(Gothland  III,  1). 
Gothland:  Du  thust  ihn  an  mit  rothem  Prachtgefieder, 
Du  lehrst  ihn  seine  Donnerlieder, 
Du  leihst  ihm  thurmeinschmetternde  Gewalt. 

(Gothland  III,  1). 
Gustav:  Sah'  ich  die  Rosenbiische  bliihen, 

Sah'  ich  des  Aethers  Hohen  schimmem. 

(Gothland  III,  1). 
Gustav :  Die  Sonnen  flogen  auf  und  nieder. 
Die  Stunden  hatten  Morgenrothen, 
Die  Auen  waren  Paradiese,  —  und 

(Gothland  III,  1), 


Alle :  Dort  darf  man  jede  Pflicht  verachten, 
Dort  darf  man  sich  im  Blute  rothen, 
Dort  darf  der  Kneeht  den  Konig  todten, 
Dort  hort  man  nicht  auf 's  Gnadenfleh'n. 

(Gothland  IV,  2), 


75 


Leporello  (kommt) :  O  welch  ein  Lohn  fiir  meine  treuen  Dienste, 
0  welch  ein  Gang  der  Welt! 

(Don  Juan  und  Faust  I,  1). 
Faust :  Dass  ich  in  eines  Madchens  Kreis  mich  bannen, 
Dass  ich  Stecknadeln  losen  sollte,  statt. 

(Don  Juan  und  Faust  I,  2). 


14  DAY  USE 

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